Sunday, September 30, 2012

Jailed for Helping Students



2012-09-28
Ten Uyghurs are serving prison sentences for allegedly working against the state through their charity foundation.
RFA
Members of a Tewpiq Foundation soccer team, including Memetjan Abduqadir (left arrow) and Tursunjan Ablimit (right arrow), in an undated photo. Faces of the other players have been blurred to conceal their identity.
An activist Uyghur doctor and nine fellow members of a foundation they set up to help poor Uyghur students in China’s remote Xinjiang region have been thrown in jail for allegedly working against the state, sources said.
The jailings were a bid by the Chinese authorities to clamp down on popular social activities aimed at boosting self-reliance among Uyghurs, who say they face increasing persecution in Xinjiang, a source said.
Memetjan Abduqadir, a former doctor at an Urumqi medical school hospital, was sentenced to 15 years in jail for “subverting state power” while the other nine from his Tewpiq Foundation  received seven to nine years on related charges, the sources told RFA’s Uyghur service.
Memetjan Abduqadir was detained in October 2009, three months after the July 5, 2009 unrest between Uyghurs and Han Chinese in Xinjiang’s capital Urumqi that was China’s worst ethnic violence in decades and provoked a harsh government crackdown.
He was never released, the sources said.
The nine others were among 18 detained together with Memetjan Abduqadir but were released briefly and held again in early 2010.
All of them were held without their families being informed.
Foundation for students
The foundation, which Memetjan Abduqadir set up with schoolmate Tursunjan Ablimit in 2002 after graduating from medical school, provided financial assistance for poor or outstanding Uyghur university students in Urumqi.
It also ran free English classes and organized extracurricular activities such as soccer tournaments.
The detentions in October 2009 came as a surprise to the community.
“Memetjan was working at the hospital when this incident happened and Tursunjan was in Shenzhen to deal with a business matter for their computer company Merwayit,” said one source who used to teach English classes for the group.
The 17 were detained again in early 2010 and held for over a year without their families being informed of their whereabouts until their trial in December 2011, the source said.
Memetjan Abduqadir was given a 15-year sentence for “subverting state power,” according to the source.
Nine of the 17 other members, including Tursunjan Ablimit who was given nine years, were sentenced on related charges to between seven and nine years in prison, according to the source.
“Memetjan’s and Tursunjan’s parents learned the news about the trial date through some of their contacts and went to Urumqi, but were barred from the court. After arguing with the officials, some of their family members were allowed to attend the court session,” the source said.
“The trial was so short and no verdicts were reached. Their verdicts were mailed to their parents. Later they learned that eight of the 18 were released and 10 of them were sentenced.”
A former colleague of Memetjan Abduqadir’s at the Xinjiang Medical University No. 1 Hospital said he had not heard from him since he was detained.
“Yes I did know him. I also heard that that happened to him. But now I do not know what is really going on and what happened was unclear,” he said, adding that he had also heard Memetjan Abduqadir, who was pursuing further study in hepatology at the university, had been jailed.
Urumqi police contacted by RFA about the case refused to comment.
‘Apolitical’ work
The foundation was legally registered with the regional charity association, the first source said, adding that the organization’s work was not politically oriented and was focused on helping poor students.
“They did not commit any crimes and they did not do anything against the state—what they did had nothing to do with politics. They were merely helping the minority students to set up goal for their lives and a will to study. All in all it was an apolitical foundation.”
“We do not know why government politicized their activity and jailed them. I think they were targeted because government felt threatened by their popularity and mission,” he said.
When the organization was founded on the Xinjiang Medical University campus, the school initially supported them, encouraging students to participate in their activities.
As their popularity increased, state broadcaster Xinjiang Television made a program about their work.
But after 2005, authorities from the state security bureau began questioning the founding members of the group.
Named after Memtili Tewpiq, a prominent educator who set up secular schools in Atush in the 1930s and died in jail after being rounded up along with other Uyghur intellectuals by Kuomintang police, the foundation’s motto was “Tewpiq: the Right Path.”
Authorities questioned members about the motto, saying “If Tewpiq is the right path, then does that mean ours is the wrong path?” the source said.
But the final crackdown on the group came after the July 2009 unrest, which authorities blamed on Uyghur separatists.
“After the 2009 incident many intellectuals were targeted. I think they were part of this,” the source said.
He added that neither Memetjan Abduqadir nor the other members had participated in the protests that rocked Urumqi.
As many as ten thousand Uyghurs, according to exile rights groups, were rounded up and forcibly disappeared amid the crackdown, which also included a 10-month Xinjiang-wide internet blackout.
Reported and translated by Mamatjan Juma for RFA’s Uyghur service. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.

Exiles Urge End to Burnings



2012-09-28
Tibetan exiles call for an end to self-immolations and blame China for the crisis.
RFA
The second Tibetan Special General Meeting opens in Dharamsala, India on Sept. 25, 2012.
Hundreds of Tibetan exiles meeting in India called on Friday for an end to self-immolation protests by Tibetans challenging Chinese rule and warned Beijing that it will have to bear “full responsibility” for any further deterioration of Tibetan rights, according to the Tibetan government in exile.

In a series of recommendations issued at the conclusion of a Special General Meeting held in the hill-town of Dharamsala, seat of the exile government and home to exiled spiritual leader the Dalai Lama, more than 400 delegates from 26 countries called the fiery protests by Tibetans “the highest form of non-violent action,” the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) said in a statement.

Nevertheless, the meeting expressed “grave concern” over the burnings and urged Tibetans inside Tibet not to take “drastic actions,” the CTA said at the end of the four-day meeting convened to discuss the “crisis” in Tibet following the self-immolations.

“Tibet is a thinly populated country, and in the present situation losing even one life is a great loss for the Tibetan people,” delegates to the meeting declared in the seventh of a list of 31 recommendations and resolutions.

“Please preserve your lives in the future,” they said.

Similar expressions of concern from exile figures and from the Dalai Lama himself over the burnings have gone largely unheeded in the past, with 51 Tibetans having set fire to themselves to date to challenge Chinese rule in Tibetan areas and call for the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet.

Wider support sought

The meeting held at the Tibetan Children’s Village school was the largest gathering of exile Tibetans since the Special General Meeting called in 2008 following widespread protests across Tibetan areas of China that resulted in a brutal crackdown by security forces.

Delegates to this week’s meeting—including members of Tibetan organizations based in India, the United States, Europe, and other countries—formed committees to discuss proposals for ending the crisis and for gaining wider international support for Tibetan rights.

Discussions were restricted, though, to proposals put forward within the framework of the Dalai Lama’s Middle Way policy, which calls only for greater autonomy for Tibetans living in Tibetan-populated areas of China, and not for a return to independence.

“The meeting resolved to pursue the Middle Way policy to find a meaningful solution through dialogue with the Chinese government,” the CTA said in its statement.

It also called on the cabinet of the exile government to raise awareness of the Middle Way policy and its proposals among the Chinese people themselves, the CTA said, adding that consistent appeals for support should also be made to the United Nations, the European Union, and other world bodies.

Hard-line policies


International calls for China to address Tibetan concerns are routinely brushed aside by Chinese diplomats, who assert China’s right to rule the Himalayan region it invaded more than 50 years ago.

Noting that Tibetan religion, culture, and language “are being annihilated in Tibet under the Chinese government’s repressive policies,” delegates to the meeting urged Tibetans living in exile to protect and preserve their traditions.

Placing final responsibility on China for an end to the crisis in Tibet, though, delegates to the meeting strongly urged Chinese leaders to end their “hardline policies” in the region, the CTA said in its statement.

“China should take full responsibility for the further deterioration of the situation if they fail to reform its wrong policies,” the CTA said.

Reported by Richard Finney.

英媒:律师否认章子怡与薄熙来有染


 
    (BBC)星期天(9月30日)英国出版的《星期日电讯报》刊登该报驻北京和纽约记者撰写的署名文章:“《藏龙卧虎》明星反驳是薄熙来情妇的指称”。
    
     中国星期五(28日)宣布,开除前重庆市委书记薄熙来的党籍和公职,并将他移送司法机关依法处理。薄熙来除了被控滥用职权、收受贿赂等,还被控曾与多名女性发生或保持不正当性关系。 
    
    《星期日电讯报》说,中国最著名的女演员之一章子怡此前就已经被传与薄熙来有染。
    
    该报文章援引章子怡在美国的律师约翰·梅森(John Mason)说,这“完全是编造的”,没有任何证据将章子怡和薄熙来连在一起。
    
    章子怡已经对在香港和美国的媒体提出诉讼。
    
    《每日电讯报》援引梅森律师说,丑闻给章子怡带来的经济损失达到750,000美元,“她从来没有见过薄熙来。在任何地方都找不到任何一张他们两人在一起的照片”。
    
    据报道,在谈到薄熙来案中可能涉及有关章子怡的证据时,梅森还说,基于他过去六年与章子怡的共事,他不相信薄熙来案中“会曝出任何关于章子怡的证据”。
    
    章子怡对在美国的博讯网站发起法律行动,该网站的“孟维参”也提出诉讼,称章子怡的诉讼妨碍了他的自由出版权。
    
    对此,《星期日电讯报》援引梅森律师说,孟维参打赢官司的几率“比我成为太空人的几率还要低”。
    
    梅森还说,诽谤良家妇女是妓女算不上应该受到保护的言论自由。

你去行贿你还有尊严吗/王石



    
    来源:中国企业家 
     
    王石(图片来源:中国企业家网)
    你去行贿你还有尊严吗/王石
  
    如果必须送礼必须行贿这事才能办成,我宁肯办不成,我宁肯公司经营不下去,我宁肯出国去当二等公民,我不会丧失我的尊严。你想你去行贿你还有尊严吗?他本身受贿他就没有尊严而言,我行贿就有尊严吗?我觉得这是最起码的。
      
    经历很长时间,我以为社会上都是像我这样认识的,后来发现不是,好像我成了个特例,甚至好像我做的事情别人都不相信。从83年到现在27年了快30年了,最起码到现在还没有一个反证,来反证证明你王石行过贿。
      
    你说当然了你王石现在不用行贿,但是你的部下行贿,算不算你王石行贿?我的观点很简单,万科的历史上,只要能证明出有一单行贿,无论是我王石亲自行贿还是王石部下行贿,都等于我王石行贿。最起码27年了,现在还没有证人。如果我是表演的话那还是蛮成功的,已经27年了,而且继续还要表演下去。

东森新闻视频:与薄熙来有染女人110多



       _

Friday, September 28, 2012

世界媒体看中国:放倒薄熙来




    (美国之音齐之丰)华盛顿 — 像此前许多广泛流传的谣传所说的那样,中国执政党共产党中央政治局委员、中共前重庆市委书记薄熙来被开除党籍,移送司法机关查办。一度大有可能在即将召开的中共十八大上晋升中共最高领导层的薄熙来如此彻底倒台,既十分出人意料,也在许多人的意料之中。
     
     谣言再次在中国被证明就是“遥遥领先的预言”。 
     
    *薄熙来与中共高层分裂*
     
    中国官方权威通讯社新华社报道,9月28日,中共中央政治局会议审议并通过中共中央纪律检查委员会《关于薄熙来严重违纪案的审查报告》,决定开除薄熙来出党、开除公职,对其涉嫌犯罪问题及犯罪问题线索移送司法机关依法处理。
     
    法新社就此发出报道说:
     
    “薄熙来是中国西南拥有3300万人口的大城市重庆市的前中共市委书记,是一度有可能晋升中共最高领导层中共中央政治局委员。自今年4月他被停职以来一直被秘密羁押。现在还没有确定他出庭受审的日期。大多数观察家认为,是否应当对他审判的问题使中共高层陷入分裂。”
     
    从目前的各种蛛丝马迹来看,中共高层确实是在处理薄熙来问题上呈现出法新社的报道中所指出的分裂迹象。新华社有关薄熙来被开除出中共移送司法机关的报道,有一个可圈可点的结尾:
     
    “中央号召,全党全国各族人民要紧密团结在以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央周围,高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜,以邓小平理论和(江泽民提出的)‘三个代表’重要思想为指导,深入贯彻落实科学发展观,坚定不移沿着中国特色社会主义道路前进,不断取得党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争新成效,为全面建成小康社会、开创中国特色社会主义事业新局面而奋斗。”
     
    如此这般的宣示,显然是要向外界强力发送“我们没有分裂”的信息。然而,“(中共)中央号召全党全国各族人民要紧密团结在以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央周围”的说法,则明显地显示或暗示,“全党全国个各族人民”当中至少有很大一部分人没有呈现出中共中央所希望看到的那种团结,所以需要中共中央通过新华社给予大声的敦促和大力的提醒。
     
    *薄熙来在劫难逃*
     
    路透社记者储百亮(Chris Buckley)和白宾(Ben Blanchard)就中国官方发出的薄熙来被开除出中共移送司法机关的消息发出报道说:
     
    “中国执政党共产党指控失宠的政治家薄熙来滥用职权,大肆贪污受贿以及犯有其他罪行,从而给这位备受争议的领导人的命运打上了句号。薄熙来的倒台摇撼了将于11月8日召开的中共党代会上进行的领导班子换届。
     
    “一度趾高气扬、行事高调的薄熙来面临刑事调查,几乎可以肯定会入狱。中共党代会还有几乎六个星期才会召开。因此,薄熙来有可能在此之前被起诉。”
     
    以“胡锦涛同志为总书记”的中共中央目前给薄熙来提出的罪名清单为:
     
    “薄熙来在担任大连市、辽宁省、商务部领导职务和中央政治局委员兼重庆市委书记期间,严重违反党的纪律,在王立军事件和薄谷开来故意杀人案件中滥用职权,犯有严重错误、负有重大责任;利用职权为他人谋利,直接和通过家人收受他人巨额贿赂;利用职权、薄谷开来利用薄熙来的职务影响为他人谋利,其家人收受他人巨额财物;与多名女性发生或保持不正当性关系;违反组织人事纪律,用人失察失误,造成严重后果。此外,调查中还发现了薄熙来其他涉嫌犯罪问题线索。”
     
    如此这般的种种严重罪名的陈列,促使路透社记者储百亮和白宾在报道中写出了下面这样的句子:
     
    “先前有种种谣传说,中共可能会对薄熙来这位中共元老的儿子请拿轻放,给他一个轻微的处分。如今,这种谣传受到了致命的一击。”
     
    *薄熙来与中共内争*
     
    新华社在公布薄熙来罪行的同时公布了中共十八大的确切召开日期。日本时事社从北京就此发出的报道说:
     
    “中共党代会开幕日的公布比过去晚了大约一个月。这是一种反常的情况。中共党代会原本预定在10月中旬召开,但成为会议焦点的领导层人事安排调整难产,加上日本将尖阁诸岛国有化的问题给日中关系带来紧张。看来这些情况导致中共内部不得不做出必要的调整。不过,这次(新华社报道的)中共中央政治局会议表示,‘党代会的准备进行顺利。’”
     
    薄熙来一度在中共党内代表了一支不可忽视的力量。他在重庆大张旗鼓地复活毛派的作法(实行绝对权力、推行群众运动,动用政府强力手段干预经济)的做法,得到中国各地毛派的热烈喝彩,也使中共最高层不少人感受到威胁。
     
    薄熙来被彻底放倒的消息传来,美国主要报纸《纽约时报》发表记者黄安伟(Edward Wong)的报道说:
     
    “(中共当局)公开抖落薄熙来的这些严重而肮脏的罪名显示,中共领导人已经达成一致意见,认为必须严厉惩罚薄熙来。薄熙来一度是一个很有魅力的领导人。他利用重庆做平台,宣扬和推行一些讨好民众的政策,并由此获得了热烈的支持,尤其是获得那些认为应当恢复左派路线的人的支持。那些人认为,就是应当动用国家力量来实现经济平等。”
     
    日本主要经济新闻报纸《日本经济新闻》记者多部田俊辅从北京发出报道,指出了薄熙来落得今日下场的政治大背景:
     
    “中国国营通讯社新华社报道说,中国共产党在9月28日召开政治局会议,决定开除有影响力的保守派政治家薄熙来的党籍,开除公职。薄熙来在妻子杀害英国人的问题上滥用职权,还收取巨额贿赂,因此受到了最严厉的处分。中共以胡锦涛为首的最高领导层以此打压中共党内的保守派,推进向以国家副主席习近平为中心的新领导层的过渡。”
     
    *网民评论大放光彩*
     
    在互联网微博成为中国公众最重要的信息来源的今天,中国官方这次似乎做出了一件“与时俱进”的事情,这就是选择在第一时间通过微博而不是中央电视台发出新华社有关薄熙来和中共十八大召开确切日期的重要新闻
     
    中国的网民对新华社通过微博发出的重要新闻做出了热烈的反应,再次显示了中国网民在新闻评论方面的敏锐、智慧和幽默。
     
    以下是从中国用户最多的新浪微博随机选取的一些网民评论。
     
    “李庄 :受贿2000多万、滥用职权、与N个女人有染……开除党籍,移交司法机关。红唱黑打终于落下帷幕。但,希望不要遭到文强遭受的那种刑讯逼供。”
     
    (注:李庄,著名律师,因为在薄熙来主政的重庆为遭到薄熙来当局酷刑的一个被告辩护而被重庆当局判刑。文强,重庆市司法局原局长,被薄熙来主政的重庆当局处决。)
     
    “伤在新华:(说薄熙来贪污两千万)贪污 2千万 那叫贪污吗 随便个县长 一抓 就上亿 别 扯淡啦”
     
    “许_杰律师 :(日本主要报纸)朝日新闻造谣了?鬼子说80亿美元呐”
     
    “王俊杰笑论天上天下事 :我说大晚上的要紧急传达什么呢,原来就是这个早在网上传遍了的事。估计还是死缓,上次判断对了,这次估计还是如此。是2000万而不是传说中的60亿估计也是为判死缓做准备的”
     
    “看云斗客:想起老电影《小兵张嘎》里的台词,‘别看你现在闹得欢,就怕将来拉清单。’这不,开始拉清单了!”
     
    “国米Arudy:村主任笑趴下//@新闻已死:(官方媒体说薄熙来才贪污)2000万,县委书记全笑弯了腰。
     
    “天人发光的盐:受贿2000多万、滥用职权、与N个女人有染……开除党籍,移交司法机关。每个官员好像都是这个罪,主要落马皆为此罪!”
     
    “三次元大组长二代目:我眼前出现了一幅景象,各位大佬在商量到底多少钱才合适,互相拍脑袋的情形煞是喜人。”
     
    “周爹来也:2000万,怎么交得起他儿子贵族学校的学费啊?”
     
    “小兔律师 :太廉洁了!只有几百亿才符合这个身份啊。//@周泽律师: 如果只有2000万,那实在是很廉洁的高级干部了”
     
    “进三摩地://@梧桐细雨夜: 又一次谣言成真相”
     
    “一天到晚吃猫的鱼922:2000w能在北京买套别墅吗?我指郊区……”

猛料:多个明星、央视名人和薄熙来有染




    (明镜网) 28日的中共中央政治局会议上,有关前政治局委员薄熙来的情色、贪腐档案摆在各位与会者面前。
    
       知情人士对明镜说,档案详细记录了每一笔向薄熙来行贿的详细情况。但这并不是吸引人的地方,中共高官中,薄熙来在这方面的「同志」非常多,人们对此也麻木了。 
    
      有趣的地方是,在这些档案中,记载了薄熙来和多名电视台女主持人、影星的性关系,其中包括央视多位着名女主持人、大连和其他几家电视台的多名女主持人、多位着名影视明星。
    
      在中共内部传达的文件,这些名女人的姓名均有写明。这里仅列出其中个别人士的姓:倪、章、姜、马、张等。
    
      知情人士说,张姓女主持人曾被传人间蒸发,或移民新加坡。事实上,她最近几个月一直被调查人员秘密控制中。
    
      有消息说,张姓女主持人为薄熙来生有一女。徐姓商人为此替薄熙来向张支付了一千万人民币「生活费」。

最新研究:丈夫干家务越多离婚率越高



    (国际在线)英国《每日电讯报》9月27日报道,挪威研究人员近日进行的一项调查结果显示,很多年轻夫妻都协议分工干家务,但是这类夫妻比妻子将家务全包的夫妻离婚率高得多。
    
       报道称,这项调查结果看似在打性别平等的嘴巴。调查结果显示分工干家务的夫妻比妻子全包家务的夫妻的离婚率高出约50%。 
    
      挪威研究人员发现在生活中达成的公平对双方的亲密关系有害无益。家庭生活中的公平和生活质量几乎没有关系,甚至成反比。
    
      研究人员托马斯·汉森(Thomas Hansen)称:“人们可能认为对于一些所谓男女不公平的家庭,他们的离婚率更高,但是结果截然相反。而且数据清晰显示,男性在家干的家务越多,双方离婚率越高。”

Ai Weiwei Appeal Rejected



2012-09-27
The world-renowned artist slams the verdict in the tax evasion case against him as a testament to the unfairness of China's legal system.
AFP
Ai Weiwei speaks to reporters outside the court in Beijing that rejected his final appeal, Sept. 27, 2012.
Dissident Chinese artist Ai Weiwei lost his final appeal Thursday against a U.S. $2.4 million tax evasion fine and said he will not pay the remainder of the penalty that could land him in jail.
Beijing’s No. 2 Intermediate Court upheld the fine that was levied against Ai’s design company, Fake Cultural Development Ltd., last year in a penalty the artist has long considered political retaliation against his social activism.
Ai slammed the rejection of his appeal as a testament to the unfairness of China’s legal processes.
“This case is not about our Fake Company, but about the fairness and openness of the Chinese legal system,” he told RFA’s Mandarin service.
In the appeal, his second against the fine, Ai had accused the tax bureau of violating laws in handling witnesses, gathering evidence, and scrutinizing company accounts. But the court rejected the claims and the ruling cannot be appealed again.
“Since the beginning of the case, we have wrestled through many rounds with the authorities. Each time we wished that the police, the tax authorities, or the court could understand the problems hidden behind the so-called tax evasion charges,” Ai said.
“Now all our efforts have completely failed.”
Beijing-based rights lawyer Liu Xiaoyuan, who accompanied Ai to the court’s announcement of the verdict, said the rejection of the appeal had been a foregone conclusion.
“The court cannot change its verdict for the first trial, and their purpose is simply to confirm that Ai Weiwei is wrong,” he told RFA’s Mandarin service.
Refusing to pay
Ai’s design company has posted a bond of 8.45 million yuan  (U.S. $1.3 million) of the 15 million (U.S. $2.4 million) yuan fine, which will be automatically collected and put toward the fine.
But reiterating earlier refusals, Ai told reporters Thursday he will not pay the remaining 6.55 million yuan (U.S. $1.1 million), which could send him to prison.
"If I need to go to jail, there's nothing I can do about it," Ai said, according to Reuters news agency.
"This country has no fairness and justice, [and] even if I've paid the 6 million yuan, I still could possibly go to jail. They don't need an excuse to arrest me—they can always find another excuse at any time."
The bond was posted with the help of tens of thousands of supporters who sent in nearly 9 million yuan worth of small donations—sometimes in the form of bills folded into paper airplanes and thrown over the gate of his Beijing home—after Ai’s 81-day detention last year prompted an international outcry.
Ai was taken into custody at airport in April 2011 on his way to Hong Kong and held in a secret location, and the tax evasion charges were brought against him when he re-emerged in Beijing three months later.
The 55-year old contemporary artist, architect, filmmaker, and blogger has spoken out against the ruling Chinese Communist Party and accused the government of flouting the rule of law and the rights of citizens.
Legal procedures
Throughout the case, authorities failed to follow basic procedures and have repeatedly denied Ai his legal rights, Ai told reporters.
Thursday’s ruling was made with no hearing held since the rejection of the previous appeal, even though his lawyers had new evidence to bring against the Beijing tax bureau, Ai said.
The court notified Ai’s wife Lu Qing, who is the legal owner of the company, of the announcement of the appeal verdict by telephone, instead of the required three-day written notice, he said.
One member of his legal team, Beijing-based rights advocate Pu Zhiqiang, was in France and could not make it back in time.
When a court delivered the verdict on the appeal in June of this year, large numbers of police prevented Ai from attending.
Authorities are holding on to Ai’s passport, effectively barring him from leaving the country.
Reported by Xin Yu for RFA’s Mandarin service. Translated by Ping Chen. Written in English by Rachel Vandenbrink.

Bo Xilai Expelled From Party



2012-09-28
The sacked Chongqing politician faces criminal proceedings amid China's biggest political scandal in decades.
AFP
Bo Xilai at the closing ceremony of the National People's Congress in Beijing, March 14, 2012.
The ruling Chinese Communist Party on Friday expelled former rising political star Bo Xilai from its ranks, saying criminal proceedings against him would follow and that Bo was "responsible" for the murder of British businessman Neil Heywood.

The Party Central Committee said Bo's case would now be handed over to law enforcement agencies after he was stripped of his Party membership and formally removed from his public posts at a meeting in Beijing on Friday, official media reported.

Bo "seriously violated" Party discipline during his tenure as Commerce Minister, as Party secretary of the northeastern port city of Dalian, and, most recently, in the southwestern megacity of Chongqing, Xinhua news agency said.

"Bo abused his power, made severe mistakes and bore major responsibility in the Wang Lijun incident and the intentional homicide case of [his wife, Gu] Kailai," it said.

"He took advantage of his office to seek profits for others and received huge bribes personally and through his family."

The Committee had heard how Bo's powerful position was also abused by Gu, the agency said.

"The Bo family accepted a huge amount of money and property from others," it said, adding that "Bo had or maintained improper sexual relationships with a number of women."

The evidence also suggested his involvement in dubious personnel decisions and in "other crimes," Xinhua reported.

"Bo's behaviors have yielded serious consequences, badly undermined the reputation of the Party and the country, created very negative impacts at home and abroad and significantly damaged the cause of the Party and the people," the Central Committee concluded.
Political scandal
Analysts said the Party would likely come down heavily on the charismatic Bo, the "princeling" son of revolutionary veteran Bo Yibo, who has rocked the highest echelons of leadership with the biggest political scandal in two decades.

On Monday, a court in the southwestern Chinese city of Chengdu handed a 15-year jail term to Bo's former right-hand man and police chief Wang Lijun, after he was found guilty of "bending the law for selfish ends, defection, abuse of power, and bribe-taking."

Seven years of the sentence was for the charge of "bending the law for selfish ends" and a further two years was for "abuse of power," with both linked to charges that Wang knew that Bo's wife Gu Kailai was connected to the murder of British businessman Neil Heywood last November and did not pursue the investigation further.

Gu was handed a suspended death sentence last month for Heywood's murder.

The Bo scandal has exposed to public view rifts within the secretive Communist Party, highlighting tensions between Bo's populist, left-wing policies and the supporters of Hu and Xi, ahead of a crucial leadership transition in November.

Bo's detractors say he and Wang waged a campaign of terror in Chongqing, using their "strike black" anti-crime campaigns to target innocent businessmen and confiscate their assets. Lawyers linked to the campaigns have described torture and forced confessions as commonplace during Bo's tenure there.

Bo was removed from his post in Chongqing, where he had been regarded as a top contender for a seat on the all-powerful standing committee of the Politburo, on March 15, shortly after a strongly worded warning from premier Wen Jiabao that a failure to enact political reform in China could see a return to the turmoil and violence of the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976).
'No evidence' of poisoning
In a new twist to the drama, a prominent Chinese government forensic scientist cast doubt on the official version of the scandal on Thursday, saying there was "no evidence" to support the claim that Heywood died from cyanide poisoning.

In a post to her blog that has since been removed, Wang Xuemei, a forensic expert with the top prosecutors' agency, said the official accounts lack sufficient evidence that Heywood died from cyanide poisoning, which she describes as leaving the body obviously discolored, the Associated Press reported.

Wang confirmed in a phone interview Thursday that she is the author of the blog entry posted late Wednesday detailing her suspicions about the case. She said she has had no access to the evidence, but points out discrepancies in details that have been made public.

Rights activists and lawyers have also condemned the lack of transparency surrounding Bo's case, as well as Wang and Gu's trials, saying the Party has kept a tight lid on crucial details of the scandal.

Reported by Luisetta Mudie.

美国明尼苏达发生枪击案 包括枪手在内5人死亡



    
    中新网9月28日电 据外媒报道,当地时间27日下午,美国明尼苏达州发生一起枪击案,一名枪手在一栋办公楼朝员工开枪,造成4人死亡,4人受伤。枪手随后开枪自尽。
     
    当地时间27日下午4点半左右,一个拥有约25名雇员的小公司遭到枪击,据称枪手是这家公司的前雇员,因为被解雇心怀不满。
    
    当地警方透露,这家公司的老板在枪击案中身亡。
    
    本文来源:中国新闻网 

铁流:大快人心事,“双开”薄熙来




     来源:参与 作者:铁流 
    
     (参与2012年9月28日讯)新华网北京9月28日电:“中共中央政治局会议审议并通过中共中央纪律检查委员会《关于薄熙来严重违纪案的审查报告》,决定给予薄熙来开除党籍、开除公职处分,对其涉嫌犯罪问题及犯罪问题线索移送司法机关依法处理。”北京不少市民闻此消息后不甚欢欣鼓舞,奔走相告,认为受江挟制软弱的胡锦涛总书记终于雄了起来,敢于“双开”薄熙来,移送司法机关追究刑事责任。 
    
    这是邓小平改革开放路线的胜利,也是中国民主自由势力的胜利!薄熙来的倒台入狱,给当前甚嚣尘上的毛派极左势力将是个重创,也是中国将告别“红灾”的一个分水岭。我坚信神州大地会很快掀起一个重新评价毛泽东是非功过的热潮!被掩盖了几十年的历史真相与事实,会有一个廓清。同时,为中共第五代执政的习李开启了政治体制改革的条件。中国有望接受普世价值,稳步进入宪政民主。
    
    在此之前的两个小时,美联社记者两次来电话征询意见:薄熙来是否“双开”追究刑责?我回答可能不会。1、薄熙来的问题不是贪腐,而是以“唱红打黑”进逼中央回归毛泽东“以阶级斗争为纲”的恐怖时代,胡温难以下决心拿掉他;2、薄有强硬的红色家庭背境,在中南海的大墙内有庞大的人脉关系,与当代权贵利利集团有切割不开的利益;3、他原是江内定的政法委书记,他父亲薄一波为江的上台起了很大的作用,江不会不保护他;4、现在毛派势力很大,无论在党内和民间都不可小视。在此次反日示威游行中不少城市都有这样的标语:“钓鱼岛是国家的,薄熙来是人民的!” 
    
     真没有想到胡温有此魄力,能做出如此顺天意畅民心的果断处理决定。中国有希望了!让一切贪官发抖,叫毛派向隅而泣。干杯朋友!
    
    我们可以放心做事了,也许是免于恐惧的开始。最后以一首打油诗收尾:大快人心事,“双开”薄熙来。中华有希望,毛派举国哀。

中共中央决定给予薄熙来开除党籍、开除公职处分




      
    新华网北京9月28日电 9月28日,中共中央政治局会议审议并通过中共中央纪律检查委员会《关于薄熙来严重违纪案的审查报告》,决定给予薄熙来开除党籍、开除公职处分,对其涉嫌犯罪问题及犯罪问题线索移送司法机关依法处理。
       
    2012年4月10日,中共中央政治局召开会议,听取了对重庆市原副市长王立军私自进入美国驻成都总领事馆滞留事件(王立军事件)调查和对薄谷开来(薄熙来之妻)涉嫌投毒杀害英国公民尼尔·伍德案件复查情况的汇报。鉴于薄熙来在王立军事件和薄谷开来涉嫌故意杀人案件中的错误和责任,且在上述两起案件(事件)调查和复查过程中还发现了薄熙来的其他违纪线索,中央决定,停止薄熙来担任的中央政治局委员、中央委员职务,并由中央纪委对其立案检查。
      
    经查,薄熙来在担任大连市、辽宁省、商务部领导职务和中央政治局委员兼重庆市委书记期间,严重违反党的纪律,在王立军事件和薄谷开来故意杀人案件中滥用职权,犯有严重错误、负有重大责任;利用职权为他人谋利,直接和通过家人收受他人巨额贿赂;利用职权、薄谷开来利用薄熙来的职务影响为他人谋利,其家人收受他人巨额财物;与多名女性发生或保持不正当性关系;违反组织人事纪律,用人失察失误,造成严重后果。此外,调查中还发现了薄熙来其他涉嫌犯罪问题线索。薄熙来的行为造成了严重后果,极大损害了党和国家声誉,在国内外产生了非常恶劣的影响,给党和人民的事业造成了重大损失。
      
    中共中央政治局会议决定,根据《中国共产党章程》、《中国共产党纪律处分条例》的有关规定,给予薄熙来开除党籍处分,待党的十七届七中全会予以追认;根据《中华人民共和国公务员法》的有关规定,给予薄熙来开除公职处分;将薄熙来涉嫌犯罪问题及犯罪问题线索移送司法机关依法处理。
      
    中央强调,对薄熙来严重违纪问题的查处,进一步体现了我们党从严治党的根本要求和依法治国的执政理念,进一步表明了我们党反对腐败的鲜明立场和坚定决心。全党必须充分认识反腐败斗争的长期性、复杂性、艰巨性,把反腐倡廉建设放在更加突出的位置,与腐败现象进行坚决斗争,在党内决不允许腐败分子有藏身之地。各级党组织要以薄熙来严重违纪案为反面教材,加强对领导干部的教育、管理和监督,严明党的纪律,改进党的作风,加快建立健全惩治和预防腐败体系,不断增强自我净化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高能力,始终保持党的先进性和纯洁性。必须加强党性修养,使领导干部牢固树立正确的世界观和权力观;必须自觉遵守党的纪律,始终同党中央保持高度一致;必须认真贯彻民主集中制,主动接受党组织和人民群众的监督;必须严格执行党的干部路线方针政策,坚决纠正选人用人上的不正之风;必须切实增强法治观念,坚决维护法律的尊严和权威;必须坚持从严治党,坚定不移地惩治和预防腐败。要坚决查处违纪违法案件,不管涉及到谁,不论权力大小,都要一查到底,决不姑息、决不手软,决不让任何腐败分子逃脱党纪国法的惩处。
      
    中央号召,全党全国各族人民要紧密团结在以胡锦涛同志为总书记的党中央周围,高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜,以邓小平理论和“三个代表”重要思想为指导,深入贯彻落实科学发展观,坚定不移沿着中国特色社会主义道路前进,不断取得党风廉政建设和反腐败斗争新成效,为全面建成小康社会、开创中国特色社会主义事业新局面而奋斗。

Thursday, September 27, 2012

In China, Human Costs Are Built Into an iPad



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The explosion ripped through Building A5 on a Friday evening last May, an eruption of fire and noise that twisted metal pipes as if they were discarded straws.
When workers in the cafeteria ran outside, they saw black smoke pouring from shattered windows. It came from the area where employees polished thousands of iPad cases a day.
Two people were killed immediately, and over a dozen others hurt. As the injured were rushed into ambulances, one in particular stood out. His features had been smeared by the blast, scrubbed by heat and violence until a mat of red and black had replaced his mouth and nose.
“Are you Lai Xiaodong’s father?” a caller asked when the phone rang at Mr. Lai’s childhood home. Six months earlier, the 22-year-old had moved to Chengdu, in southwest China, to become one of the millions of human cogs powering the largest, fastest and most sophisticated manufacturing system on earth. That system has made it possible for Apple and hundreds of other companies to build devices almost as quickly as they can be dreamed up.
“He’s in trouble,” the caller told Mr. Lai’s father. “Get to the hospital as soon as possible.”
In the last decade, Apple has become one of the mightiest, richest and most successful companies in the world, in part by mastering global manufacturing. Apple and its high-technology peers — as well as dozens of other American industries — have achieved a pace of innovation nearly unmatched in modern history.
However, the workers assembling iPhones, iPads and other devices often labor in harsh conditions, according to employees inside those plants, worker advocates and documents published by companies themselves. Problems are as varied as onerous work environments and serious — sometimes deadly — safety problems.
Employees work excessive overtime, in some cases seven days a week, and live in crowded dorms. Some say they stand so long that their legs swell until they can hardly walk. Under-age workers have helped build Apple’s products, and the company’s suppliers have improperly disposed of hazardous waste and falsified records, according to company reports and advocacy groups that, within China, are often considered reliable, independent monitors.
More troubling, the groups say, is some suppliers’ disregard for workers’ health. Two years ago, 137 workers at an Apple supplier in eastern China were injured after they were ordered to use a poisonous chemical to clean iPhone screens. Within seven months last year, two explosions at iPad factories, including in Chengdu, killed four people and injured 77. Before those blasts, Apple had been alerted to hazardous conditions inside the Chengdu plant, according to a Chinese group thatpublished that warning.
“If Apple was warned, and didn’t act, that’s reprehensible,” said Nicholas Ashford, a former chairman of the National Advisory Committee on Occupational Safety and Health, a group that advises the United States Labor Department. “But what’s morally repugnant in one country is accepted business practices in another, and companies take advantage of that.”
Apple is not the only electronics company doing business within a troubling supply system. Bleak working conditions have been documented at factories manufacturing products for Dell, Hewlett-Packard, I.B.M., Lenovo, Motorola, Nokia, Sony, Toshiba and others.
Current and former Apple executives, moreover, say the company has made significant strides in improving factories in recent years. Apple has a supplier code of conduct that details standards on labor issues, safety protections and other topics. The company has mounted a vigorous auditing campaign, and when abuses are discovered, Apple says, corrections are demanded.
And Apple’s annual supplier responsibility reports, in many cases, are the first to report abuses. This month, for the first time, the company released a list identifying many of its suppliers.
But significant problems remain. More than half of the suppliers audited by Apple have violated at least one aspect of the code of conduct every year since 2007, according to Apple’s reports, and in some instances have violated the law. While many violations involve working conditions, rather than safety hazards, troubling patterns persist.
“Apple never cared about anything other than increasing product quality and decreasing production cost,” said Li Mingqi, who until April worked in management at Foxconn Technology, one of Apple’s most important manufacturing partners. Mr. Li, who is suing Foxconn over his dismissal, helped manage the Chengdu factory where the explosion occurred.
“Workers’ welfare has nothing to do with their interests,” he said.
Some former Apple executives say there is an unresolved tension within the company: executives want to improve conditions within factories, but that dedication falters when it conflicts with crucial supplier relationships or the fast delivery of new products. Tuesday, Apple reported one of the most lucrative quarters of any corporation in history, with $13.06 billion in profits on $46.3 billion in sales. Its sales would have been even higher, executives said, if overseas factories had been able to produce more.
Executives at other corporations report similar internal pressures. This system may not be pretty, they argue, but a radical overhaul would slow innovation. Customers want amazing new electronics delivered every year.
“We’ve known about labor abuses in some factories for four years, and they’re still going on,” said one former Apple executive who, like others, spoke on the condition of anonymity because of confidentiality agreements. “Why? Because the system works for us. Suppliers would change everything tomorrow if Apple told them they didn’t have another choice.”
“If half of iPhones were malfunctioning, do you think Apple would let it go on for four years?” the executive asked.
Apple, in its published reports, has said it requires every discovered labor violation to be remedied, and suppliers that refuse are terminated. Privately, however, some former executives concede that finding new suppliers is time-consuming and costly. Foxconn is one of the few manufacturers in the world with the scale to build sufficient numbers of iPhones and iPads. So Apple is “not going to leave Foxconn and they’re not going to leave China,” said Heather White, a research fellow at Harvard and a former member of the Monitoring International Labor Standards committee at the National Academy of Sciences. “There’s a lot of rationalization.”
Apple was provided with extensive summaries of this article, but the company declined to comment. The reporting is based on interviews with more than three dozen current or former employees and contractors, including a half-dozen current or former executives with firsthand knowledge of Apple’s supplier responsibility group, as well as others within the technology industry.
In 2010, Steven P. Jobs discussed the company’s relationships with suppliers at an industry conference.
“I actually think Apple does one of the best jobs of any companies in our industry, and maybe in any industry, of understanding the working conditions in our supply chain,” said Mr. Jobs, who was Apple’s chief executive at the time and who died last October.
“I mean, you go to this place, and, it’s a factory, but, my gosh, I mean, they’ve got restaurants and movie theaters and hospitals and swimming pools, and I mean, for a factory, it’s a pretty nice factory.”
Others, including workers inside such plants, acknowledge the cafeterias and medical facilities, but insist conditions are punishing.
“We’re trying really hard to make things better,” said one former Apple executive. “But most people would still be really disturbed if they saw where their iPhone comes from.”
The Road to Chengdu
In the fall of 2010, about six months before the explosion in the iPad factory, Lai Xiaodong carefully wrapped his clothes around his college diploma, so it wouldn’t crease in his suitcase. He told friends he would no longer be around for their weekly poker games, and said goodbye to his teachers. He was leaving for Chengdu, a city of 12 million that was rapidly becoming one of the world’s most important manufacturing hubs.
Though painfully shy, Mr. Lai had surprised everyone by persuading a beautiful nursing student to become his girlfriend. She wanted to marry, she said, and so his goal was to earn enough money to buy an apartment.
Factories in Chengdu manufacture products for hundreds of companies. But Mr. Lai was focused on Foxconn Technology, China’s largest exporter and one of the nation’s biggest employers, with 1.2 million workers. The company has plants throughout China, and assembles an estimated 40 percent of the world’s consumer electronics, including for customers like Amazon, Dell, Hewlett-Packard, Nintendo, Nokia and Samsung.
Foxconn’s factory in Chengdu, Mr. Lai knew, was special. Inside, workers were building Apple’s latest, potentially greatest product: the iPad.
When Mr. Lai finally landed a job repairing machines at the plant, one of the first things he noticed were the almost blinding lights. Shifts ran 24 hours a day, and the factory was always bright. At any moment, there were thousands of workers standing on assembly lines or sitting in backless chairs, crouching next to large machinery, or jogging between loading bays. Some workers’ legs swelled so much they waddled. “It’s hard to stand all day,” said Zhao Sheng, a plant worker.
Banners on the walls warned the 120,000 employees: “Work hard on the job today or work hard to find a job tomorrow.” Apple’s supplier code of conduct dictates that, except in unusual circumstances, employees are not supposed to work more than 60 hours a week. But at Foxconn, some worked more, according to interviews, workers’ pay stubs and surveys by outside groups. Mr. Lai was soon spending 12 hours a day, six days a week inside the factory, according to his paychecks. Employees who arrived late were sometimes required to write confession letters and copy quotations. There were “continuous shifts,” when workers were told to work two stretches in a row, according to interviews.
Mr. Lai’s college degree enabled him to earn a salary of around $22 a day, including overtime — more than many others. When his days ended, he would retreat to a small bedroom just big enough for a mattress, wardrobe and a desk where he obsessively played an online game called Fight the Landlord, said his girlfriend, Luo Xiaohong.
Those accommodations were better than many of the company’s dorms, where 70,000 Foxconn workers lived, at times stuffed 20 people to a three-room apartment, employees said. Last year, a dispute over paychecks set off a riot in one of the dormitories, and workers started throwing bottles, trash cans and flaming paper from their windows, according to witnesses. Two hundred police officers wrestled with workers, arresting eight. Afterward, trash cans were removed, and piles of rubbish — and rodents — became a problem. Mr. Lai felt lucky to have a place of his own.
Foxconn, in a statement, disputed workers’ accounts of continuous shifts, extended overtime, crowded living accommodations and the causes of the riot. The company said that its operations adhered to customers’ codes of conduct, industry standards and national laws. “Conditions at Foxconn are anything but harsh,” the company wrote. Foxconn also said that it had never been cited by a customer or government for under-age or overworked employees or toxic exposures.
“All assembly line employees are given regular breaks, including one-hour lunch breaks,” the company wrote, and only 5 percent of assembly line workers are required to stand to carry out their tasks. Work stations have been designed to ergonomic standards, and employees have opportunities for job rotation and promotion, the statement said.
“Foxconn has a very good safety record,” the company wrote. “Foxconn has come a long way in our efforts to lead our industry in China in areas such as workplace conditions and the care and treatment of our employees.”
Apple’s Code of Conduct
In 2005, some of Apple’s top executives gathered inside their Cupertino, Calif., headquarters for a special meeting. Other companies had created codes of conduct to police their suppliers. It was time, Apple decided, to follow suit. The code Apple published that year demands “that working conditions in Apple’s supply chain are safe, that workers are treated with respect and dignity, and that manufacturing processes are environmentally responsible.”
But the next year, a British newspaper, The Mail on Sunday, secretly visited a Foxconn factory in Shenzhen, China, where iPods were manufactured, and reported on workers’ long hours, push-ups meted out as punishment and crowded dorms. Executives in Cupertino were shocked. “Apple is filled with really good people who had no idea this was going on,” a former employee said. “We wanted it changed, immediately.”
Apple audited that factory, the company’s first such inspection, and ordered improvements. Executives also undertook a series of initiatives that included an annual audit report, first published in 2007. By last year, Apple had inspected 396 facilities — including the company’s direct suppliers, as well as many of those suppliers’ suppliers — one of the largest such programs within the electronics industry.
Those audits have found consistent violations of Apple’s code of conduct, according to summariespublished by the company. In 2007, for instance, Apple conducted over three dozen audits, two-thirds of which indicated that employees regularly worked more than 60 hours a week. In addition, there were six “core violations,” the most serious kind, including hiring 15-year-olds as well as falsifying records.
Over the next three years, Apple conducted 312 audits, and every year, about half or more showed evidence of large numbers of employees laboring more than six days a week as well as working extended overtime. Some workers received less than minimum wage or had pay withheld as punishment. Apple found 70 core violations over that period, including cases of involuntary labor, under-age workers, record falsifications, improper disposal of hazardous waste and over a hundred workers injured by toxic chemical exposures.
Last year, the company conducted 229 audits. There were slight improvements in some categories and the detected rate of core violations declined. However, within 93 facilities, at least half of workers exceeded the 60-hours-a-week work limit. At a similar number, employees worked more than six days a week. There were incidents of discrimination, improper safety precautions, failure to pay required overtime rates and other violations. That year, four employees were killed and 77 injured in workplace explosions.
“If you see the same pattern of problems, year after year, that means the company’s ignoring the issue rather than solving it,” said one former Apple executive with firsthand knowledge of the supplier responsibility group. “Noncompliance is tolerated, as long as the suppliers promise to try harder next time. If we meant business, core violations would disappear.”
Apple says that when an audit reveals a violation, the company requires suppliers to address the problem within 90 days and make changes to prevent a recurrence. “If a supplier is unwilling to change, we terminate our relationship,” the company says on its Web site.
The seriousness of that threat, however, is unclear. Apple has found violations in hundreds of audits, but fewer than 15 suppliers have been terminated for transgressions since 2007, according to former Apple executives.
“Once the deal is set and Foxconn becomes an authorized Apple supplier, Apple will no longer give any attention to worker conditions or anything that is irrelevant to its products,” said Mr. Li, the former Foxconn manager. Mr. Li spent seven years with Foxconn in Shenzhen and Chengdu and was forced out in April after he objected to a relocation to Chengdu, he said. Foxconn disputed his comments, and said “both Foxconn and Apple take the welfare of our employees very seriously.”
Apple’s efforts have spurred some changes. Facilities that were reaudited “showed continued performance improvements and better working conditions,” the company wrote in its 2011 supplier responsibility progress report. In addition, the number of audited facilities has grown every year, and some executives say those expanding efforts obscure year-to-year improvements.
Apple also has trained over a million workers about their rights and methods for injury and disease prevention. A few years ago, after auditors insisted on interviewing low-level factory employees, they discovered that some had been forced to pay onerous “recruitment fees” — which Apple classifies as involuntary labor. As of last year, the company had forced suppliers to reimburse more than $6.7 million in such charges.
“Apple is a leader in preventing under-age labor,” said Dionne Harrison of Impactt, a firm paid by Apple to help prevent and respond to child labor among its suppliers. “They’re doing as much as they possibly can.”
Other consultants disagree.
“We’ve spent years telling Apple there are serious problems and recommending changes,” said a consultant at BSR — also known as Business for Social Responsibility — which has been twice retained by Apple to provide advice on labor issues. “They don’t want to pre-empt problems, they just want to avoid embarrassments.”
‘We Could Have Saved Lives’
In 2006, BSR, along with a division of the World Bank and other groups, initiated a project to improve working conditions in factories building cellphones and other devices in China and elsewhere. The groups and companies pledged to test various ideas. Foxconn agreed to participate.
For four months, BSR and another group negotiated with Foxconn regarding a pilot program to create worker “hotlines,” so that employees could report abusive conditions, seek mental counseling and discuss workplace problems. Apple was not a participant in the project, but was briefed on it, according to the BSR consultant, who had detailed knowledge.
As negotiations proceeded, Foxconn’s requirements for participation kept changing. First Foxconn asked to shift from installing new hotlines to evaluating existing hotlines. Then Foxconn insisted that mental health counseling be excluded. Foxconn asked participants to sign agreements saying they would not disclose what they observed, and then rewrote those agreements multiple times. Finally, an agreement was struck, and the project was scheduled to begin in January 2008. A day before the start, Foxconn demanded more changes, until it was clear the project would not proceed, according to the consultant and a 2008 summary by BSR that did not name Foxconn.
The next year, a Foxconn employee fell or jumped from an apartment building after losing an iPhone prototype. Over the next two years, at least 18 other Foxconn workers attempted suicide or fell from buildings in manners that suggested suicide attempts. In 2010, two years after the pilot program fell apart and after multiple suicide attempts, Foxconn created a dedicated mental health hotline and began offering free psychological counseling.
“We could have saved lives, and we asked Apple to pressure Foxconn, but they wouldn’t do it,” said the BSR consultant, who asked not to be identified because of confidentiality agreements. “Companies like H.P. and Intel and Nike push their suppliers. But Apple wants to keep an arm’s length, and Foxconn is their most important manufacturer, so they refuse to push.”
BSR, in a written statement, said the views of that consultant were not those of the company.
“My BSR colleagues and I view Apple as a company that is making a highly serious effort to ensure that labor conditions in its supply chain meet the expectations of applicable laws, the company’s standards and the expectations of consumers,” wrote Aron Cramer, BSR’s president. Mr. Cramer added that asking Apple to pressure Foxconn would have been inconsistent with the purpose of the pilot program, and there were multiple reasons the pilot program did not proceed.
Foxconn, in a statement, said it acted quickly and comprehensively to address suicides, and “the record has shown that those measures have been successful.”
A Demanding Client
Every month, officials at companies from around the world trek to Cupertino or invite Apple executives to visit their foreign factories, all in pursuit of a goal: becoming a supplier.
When news arrives that Apple is interested in a particular product or service, small celebrations often erupt. Whiskey is drunk. Karaoke is sung.
Then, Apple’s requests start.
Apple typically asks suppliers to specify how much every part costs, how many workers are needed and the size of their salaries. Executives want to know every financial detail. Afterward, Apple calculates how much it will pay for a part. Most suppliers are allowed only the slimmest of profits.
So suppliers often try to cut corners, replace expensive chemicals with less costly alternatives, or push their employees to work faster and longer, according to people at those companies.
“The only way you make money working for Apple is figuring out how to do things more efficiently or cheaper,” said an executive at one company that helped bring the iPad to market. “And then they’ll come back the next year, and force a 10 percent price cut.”
In January 2010, workers at a Chinese factory owned by Wintek, an Apple manufacturing partner, went on strike over a variety of issues, including widespread rumors that workers were being exposed to toxins. Investigations by news organizations revealed that over a hundred employees had been injured by n-hexane, a toxic chemical that can cause nerve damage and paralysis.
Employees said they had been ordered to use n-hexane to clean iPhone screens because it evaporated almost three times as fast as rubbing alcohol. Faster evaporation meant workers could clean more screens each minute.
Apple commented on the Wintek injuries a year later. In its supplier responsibility report, Apple said it had “required Wintek to stop using n-hexane” and that “Apple has verified that all affected workers have been treated successfully, and we continue to monitor their medical reports until full recuperation.” Apple also said it required Wintek to fix the ventilation system.
That same month, a New York Times reporter interviewed a dozen injured Wintek workers who said they had never been contacted by Apple or its intermediaries, and that Wintek had pressured them to resign and take cash settlements that would absolve the company of liability. After those interviews, Wintek pledged to provide more compensation to the injured workers and Apple sent a representative to speak with some of them.
Six months later, trade publications reported that Apple significantly cut prices paid to Wintek.
“You can set all the rules you want, but they’re meaningless if you don’t give suppliers enough profit to treat workers well,” said one former Apple executive with firsthand knowledge of the supplier responsibility group. “If you squeeze margins, you’re forcing them to cut safety.”
Wintek is still one of Apple’s most important suppliers. Wintek, in a statement, declined to comment except to say that after the episode, the company took “ample measures” to address the situation and “is committed to ensuring employee welfare and creating a safe and healthy work environment.”
Many major technology companies have worked with factories where conditions are troubling. However, independent monitors and suppliers say some act differently. Executives at multiple suppliers, in interviews, said that Hewlett-Packard and others allowed them slightly more profits and other allowances if they were used to improve worker conditions.
“Our suppliers are very open with us,” said Zoe McMahon, an executive in Hewlett-Packard’s supply chain social and environmental responsibility program. “They let us know when they are struggling to meet our expectations, and that influences our decisions.”
The Explosion
On the afternoon of the blast at the iPad plant, Lai Xiaodong telephoned his girlfriend, as he did every day. They had hoped to see each other that evening, but Mr. Lai’s manager said he had to work overtime, he told her.
He had been promoted quickly at Foxconn, and after just a few months was in charge of a team that maintained the machines that polished iPad cases. The sanding area was loud and hazy with aluminum dust. Workers wore masks and earplugs, but no matter how many times they showered, they were recognizable by the slight aluminum sparkle in their hair and at the corners of their eyes.
Just two weeks before the explosion, an advocacy group in Hong Kong published a report warning of unsafe conditions at the Chengdu plant, including problems with aluminum dust. The group, Students and Scholars Against Corporate Misbehavior, or Sacom, had videotaped workers covered with tiny aluminum particles. “Occupational health and safety issues in Chengdu are alarming,” the report read. “Workers also highlight the problem of poor ventilation and inadequate personal protective equipment.”
A copy of that report was sent to Apple. “There was no response,” said Debby Chan Sze Wan of the group. “A few months later I went to Cupertino, and went into the Apple lobby, but no one would meet with me. I’ve never heard from anyone from Apple at all.”
The morning of the explosion, Mr. Lai rode his bicycle to work. The iPad had gone on sale just weeks earlier, and workers were told thousands of cases needed to be polished each day. The factory was frantic, employees said. Rows of machines buffed cases as masked employees pushed buttons. Large air ducts hovered over each station, but they could not keep up with the three lines of machines polishing nonstop. Aluminum dust was everywhere.
Dust is a known safety hazard. In 2003, an aluminum dust explosion in Indiana destroyed a wheel factory and killed a worker. In 2008, agricultural dust inside a sugar factory in Georgia caused an explosion that killed 14.
Two hours into Mr. Lai’s second shift, the building started to shake, as if an earthquake was under way. There was a series of blasts, plant workers said.
Then the screams began.
When Mr. Lai’s colleagues ran outside, dark smoke was mixing with a light rain, according to cellphone videos. The toll would eventually count four dead, 18 injured.
At the hospital, Mr. Lai’s girlfriend saw that his skin was almost completely burned away. “I recognized him from his legs, otherwise I wouldn’t know who that person was,” she said.
Eventually, his family arrived. Over 90 percent of his body had been seared. “My mom ran away from the room at the first sight of him. I cried. Nobody could stand it,” his brother said. When his mother eventually returned, she tried to avoid touching her son, for fear that it would cause pain.
“If I had known,” she said, “I would have grabbed his arm, I would have touched him.”
“He was very tough,” she said. “He held on for two days.”
After Mr. Lai died, Foxconn workers drove to Mr. Lai’s hometown and delivered a box of ashes. The company later wired a check for about $150,000.
Foxconn, in a statement, said that at the time of the explosion the Chengdu plant was in compliance with all relevant laws and regulations, and “after ensuring that the families of the deceased employees were given the support they required, we ensured that all of the injured employees were given the highest quality medical care.” After the explosion, the company added, Foxconn immediately halted work in all polishing workshops, and later improved ventilation and dust disposal, and adopted technologies to enhance worker safety.
In its most recent supplier responsibility report, Apple wrote that after the explosion, the company contacted “the foremost experts in process safety” and assembled a team to investigate and make recommendations to prevent future accidents.
In December, however, seven months after the blast that killed Mr. Lai, another iPad factory exploded, this one in Shanghai. Once again, aluminum dust was the cause, according to interviews and Apple’s most recent supplier responsibility report. That blast injured 59 workers, with 23 hospitalized.
“It is gross negligence, after an explosion occurs, not to realize that every factory should be inspected,” said Nicholas Ashford, the occupational safety expert, who is now at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. “If it were terribly difficult to deal with aluminum dust, I would understand. But do you know how easy dust is to control? It’s called ventilation. We solved this problem over a century ago.”
In its most recent supplier responsibility report, Apple wrote that while the explosions both involved combustible aluminum dust, the causes were different. The company declined, however, to provide details. The report added that Apple had now audited all suppliers polishing aluminum products and had put stronger precautions in place. All suppliers have initiated required countermeasures, except one, which remains shut down, the report said.
For Mr. Lai’s family, questions remain. “We’re really not sure why he died,” said Mr. Lai’s mother, standing beside a shrine she built near their home. “We don’t understand what happened.”
Hitting the Apple Lottery
Every year, as rumors about Apple’s forthcoming products start to emerge, trade publications and Web sites begin speculating about which suppliers are likely to win the Apple lottery. Getting a contract from Apple can lift a company’s value by millions because of the implied endorsement of manufacturing quality. But few companies openly brag about the work: Apple generally requires suppliers to sign contracts promising they will not divulge anything, including the partnership.
That lack of transparency gives Apple an edge at keeping its plans secret. But it also has been a barrier to improving working conditions, according to advocates and former Apple executives.
This month, after numerous requests by advocacy and news organizations, including The New York Times, Apple released the names of 156 of its suppliers. In the report accompanying that list, Apple said they “account for more than 97 percent of what we pay to suppliers to manufacture our products.”
However, the company has not revealed the names of hundreds of other companies that do not directly contract with Apple, but supply the suppliers. The company’s supplier list does not disclose where factories are, and many are hard to find. And independent monitoring organizations say when they have tried to inspect Apple’s suppliers, they have been barred from entry — on Apple’s orders, they have been told.
“We’ve had this conversation hundreds of times,” said a former executive in Apple’s supplier responsibility group. “There is a genuine, companywide commitment to the code of conduct. But taking it to the next level and creating real change conflicts with secrecy and business goals, and so there’s only so far we can go.” Former Apple employees say they were generally prohibited from engaging with most outside groups.
“There’s a real culture of secrecy here that influences everything,” the former executive said.
Some other technology companies operate differently.
“We talk to a lot of outsiders,” said Gary Niekerk, director of corporate citizenship at Intel. “The world’s complex, and unless we’re dialoguing with outside groups, we miss a lot.”
Given Apple’s prominence and leadership in global manufacturing, if the company were to radically change its ways, it could overhaul how business is done. “Every company wants to be Apple,” said Sasha Lezhnev at the Enough Project, a group focused on corporate accountability. “If they committed to building a conflict-free iPhone, it would transform technology.”
But ultimately, say former Apple executives, there are few real outside pressures for change. Apple is one of the most admired brands. In a national survey conducted by The New York Times in November, 56 percent of respondents said they couldn’t think of anything negative about Apple. Fourteen percent said the worst thing about the company was that its products were too expensive. Just 2 percent mentioned overseas labor practices.
People like Ms. White of Harvard say that until consumers demand better conditions in overseas factories — as they did for companies like Nike and Gap, which today have overhauled conditions among suppliers — or regulators act, there is little impetus for radical change. Some Apple insiders agree.
“You can either manufacture in comfortable, worker-friendly factories, or you can reinvent the product every year, and make it better and faster and cheaper, which requires factories that seem harsh by American standards,” said a current Apple executive.
“And right now, customers care more about a new iPhone than working conditions in China.”
Gu Huini contributed research.