Tuesday, January 31, 2012

Refugees Pour Into Yunnan

2012-01-30
Fighting between Burmese government forces and ethnic Kachins escalates in recent weeks.
US Campaign for Burma
Kachin refugees flee to Burma's border with China to escape the fighting, June 14, 2011.
Tens of thousands of Burmese refugees fleeing fighting between government troops and ethnic Kachin rebels have flooded across the border into the southwestern Chinese province of Yunnan, sparking a shortage of crucial supplies, aid groups said on Monday.

Armed clashes between Burmese government forces and the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) began last June, but have escalated into large-scale conflict since the beginning of the year, aid groups said, despite efforts by both sides to initiate a ceasefire agreement.

"I am in the refugee camp right now, where I have spent the past few days checking on and visiting people," said a volunteer in a camp in Yunnan's Yingjiang county, Dehong prefecture.

He said the numbers of Christian Burmese refugees arriving from across the border had greatly increased in recent days, with a new upsurge in fighting since Jan. 1.

"Now their numbers are increasing," Ma said. "The day before yesterday, we went to a camp that had 5,000 people in it, and I've heard that there are more than 10 camps in the area. There are camps in Nujiang, Ruili, and Longchuan as well."

He estimated that there are now at least 40,000 refugees in Yingjiang county alone.

Asked if the Red Cross was helping with the refugee relief effort, Ma said: "So far all the work has been done by Christian organizations inside China and efforts from nongovernment voluntary groups who are concerned with such things."

Threat from cold weather

burma-kachin-yunnan-400.gif

He said the refugees now face a shortage of bedding and medical attention as the colder weather sets in.

"They still have rice, but their supply of oil and vegetables isn't secure," he said. "Some of them can earn a few bucks as casual workers, but they have no security at all."

"Some places are short of medical supplies, and a lot of the kids aren't going to school, so they need support of this kind as well, so they can set up schools," Ma added.

"They also need medical teams to treat them. There is also a huge shortage of blankets and quilts for their bedding."

The U.S.-based ChinaAid warned that the situation is rapidly worsening, warning of a potential humanitarian crisis in the area.

"Right now there are at least 25,000 refugees on the Chinese side of the border, the majority of them from the Jingpo ethnic group with Burmese nationality," ChinaAid founder Bob Fu said on Monday.

"There are a lot of children with them, who are now destitute, with nowhere to live and no access to medical care."

"They are short of food, and they lack basic daily necessities," Fu said.

Call for support

He called on the international community to support the humanitarian relief effort with donations of basic supplies.

Calls to the Yingjiang county government civil affairs bureau and the Red Cross went unanswered on Monday.

However, a duty officer who answered the phone at the Yingjiang government offices said he hadn't heard there was a refugee crisis.

"I don't know about this," the official said. "If I, a county government official, don't know about it, then how would the local people know about it?"
The Burmese government met with Kachin rebel representatives two weeks ago in an effort to initiate a ceasefire agreement as President Thein Sein moved to forge peace with various armed ethnic groups.

Although the sit-down yielded few gains, according to a Kachin official, the two-day talks signaled a serious move by the nominally civilian government to end long-running ethnic conflicts which have blighted the country for decades under harsh military rule.

Earlier this month the government signed a ceasefire with Karen rebels in the east of the country amid talks also with the militaries of the Shan and Chin states.
In a statement on its website, ChinaAid said the situation in Kachin was already getting out of hand, and could get worse due to cold weather.

"With a shortage of warm clothes, nutritional foods, and medicines, the chance for the spread of epidemic diseases is high," it said, warning that the Sino-Burmese border "could become the site of a humanitarian crisis."

It said clashes have been concentrated since Jan. 1 in an area just 90 kilometers (56 miles) from China’s Yingjiang county and 170 kilometers
(105 miles) from the border city of Ruili, in Dehong county, both in southwest China’s Yunnan province.

The statement added that around 25,000 of the estimated 40,000 refugees wandering along the border had  crossed unofficially into Yunnan.

On the Burmese side of the border, the KIA is believed to have placed some 21,000 refugees in the Burmese border city of Laiza and 4,000 in the region of Maija Yang.

It said at least 1,500 people are still hiding in nearby forests, while more than 6,000 have taken temporary refuge in schools, churches and villages.

Reported by Qiao Long for RFA's Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

Hangzhou Dissident Goes on Trial

2012-01-31
Key evidence against a Chinese activist hinges on a poem calling for political change.
AFP
Police keep watch in Beijing amid online calls for a 'Jasmine Revolution,' Feb. 20, 2011.
Authorities in the eastern province of Hangzhou have put on trial a prominent dissident for subversion after he published a poem calling on Chinese to take to the streets following the Arab Spring democratic uprisings.

The Hangzhou Intermediate People’s Court heard the case against Hangzhou activist Zhu Yufu on Tuesday, but proceedings adjourned after two-and-a-half hours without any verdict, the China Human Rights Defenders (CHRD) said in an e-mailed statement.

Zhu, who turns 59 in February, was represented in court by two lawyers, Li Baiguang and Li Dunyong, who were able to present a defense, CHRD said.

The judge adjourned the hearing, saying a decision would be announced after "some of the case evidence is verified."

The trial was attended by Zhu's wife, Jiang Hangli, and the couple's daughter, and Zhu was given the opportunity to protest his innocence, the statement said.

Jiang told Reuters news agency that she feared that her husband could join other dissidents recently given prison terms of nine years and longer for subversion. Chinese courts rarely find in favor of defendants.

"I hope he won't face trouble, but that's a wish. I don't think that they'll let him off lightly," Jiang said in a telephone interview before the trial.

One of the key pieces of evidence against Zhu hinges on a poem he wrote, calling on Chinese people to walk the streets in support of political change.

Lawyers have said the charge sheet against Zhu also cited his habit of collecting donations for prisoners of conscience and giving interviews to foreign journalists.

'It Is Time'
Zhu was formally detained by Hangzhou police last March after he posted his poem, titled "It Is Time" online.

"It is time, people of China! It is time," the poem read. "The square belongs to us all; our feet are our own."

"It is time to use our feet to go to the square and to make a choice ... We should use our choices to decide the future of China," it said.

Zhu, 60, is a veteran activist who first caught the attention of the authorities during the Democracy Wall movement of 1978. He was sentenced in 1998 to a seven-year jail term for his involvement with an unprecedented attempt to register the Zhejiang provincial branch of the CDP as a civil organization with the authorities.

The beginning of the Arab Spring in Tunisia last year sparked online calls for Chinese activists to begin their own "Jasmine Revolution," prompting the detention and suveillance of hundreds of dissidents and rights defenders across the country.

Chinese activists say they were subjected to beatings, humiliation, and brainwashing techniques during the crackdown.

While dozens of those detained by the authorities were eventually freed, many remain under close police surveillance. The Jasmine crackdown has also prompted a string of lengthy jail terms handed to prominent activists for subversion.

Rights groups estimate that at least 40 activists were held under criminal detention in the two months that followed the calls for a Jasmine Revolution—proposed silent demonstrations in major Chinese cities—that, in the event, appeared to attract more police and journalists than protesters.

Reported by Luisetta Mudie.

Group Slams Xinjiang 'Terror Tactics'

2012-01-31
A bid to beef up the region's rural police force may fuel tensions.
AFP China Xtra
Chinese soldiers undergo a shooting drill in Xinjiang's capital Urumqi, Sept. 30, 2010.

An exile Uyghur group has slammed recent moves by the Chinese government to boost police numbers in rural areas of the troubled Xinjiang region, which has been rocked by ethnic strife in recent years between Turkic-speaking Muslims and Han Chinese migrants.

Official media reported on Monday that Xinjiang authorities would soon launch a rural police recruitment drive aimed at boosting security patrols, adding an estimated 8,000 new police officers.

The new police officers would also "crack down on illegal religious activities," the official Xinhua news agency quoted a regional government spokesman as saying.

The recruitment program would enable each village in the ethnic region to have at least one police officer, and "ensure lasting peace and stability in the region," the spokesman said.

Dilxat Raxit, spokesman for the Germany-based World Uyghur Congress, said his group was concerned about the new development.

"The regional authorities are taking their repressive and coercive policies one step further with the recruitment of 8,000 new police officers," Raxit said.

"They are now seeking reinforcements for their expanded control over the lives of Uyghurs."

Raxit said the increased police presence in Xinjiang was likely to increase tensions in the region, rather than defusing them.

"The arrangements made by the Chinese government in the name of so-called stability are actually a form of political terror which is being deployed against Uyghurs," he said.

"We think that the Chinese government has no sincere desire to soften its image," Raxit said.

Rights

He called on Beijing to respect the rights of Uyghurs to have a say in policy-making, and to have a fair share of the economic benefits China derives from the resource-rich region.

The move to boost police numbers is apparently linked to the forthcoming leadership transition at the 18th ruling Chinese Communist Party Congress later this year.

According to Xinhua, a high-ranking security official in Xinjiang recently "pledged to strictly guard against violent terrorism" ahead of the Congress, which has no set date, but is slated for the second half of the year.

Regional Party politics and law secretary Xiong Xuanguo called on police to amplify the crackdown on religious extremist activities, the agency said.

More than two years after ethnic riots the regional capital of Urumqi, hundreds of minority Uyghurs remain missing, casting a shadow over developments in the volatile area, the New York-based Human Rights Watch said in a report earlier this month.

On July 5, 2009, deadly riots between mostly Muslim Uyghurs and Han Chinese in Xinjiang's capital Urumqi left 200 dead and 1,700 injured, according to state media. Two years later, ethnic relations remain uneasy in the capital.

More than 1,000 Uyghurs have been jailed and several thousand “disappeared” in the aftermath of the most deadly episode of ethnic unrest in China’s recent history, according to Uyghur exile groups.

Many of Xinjiang’s estimated eight million Uyghurs chafe under the strict controls on their religion and culture that China enforces, and resent large-scale influxes of Han Chinese migrant workers and businesses to the region.

Uyghurs say they have long suffered ethnic discrimination, oppressive religious controls, and continued poverty and joblessness despite China's ambitious plans to develop its vast northwestern frontier.

Reported by An Pei for RFA's Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

Activist on Trial Ahead of Anniversary

2012-01-30
A year after calls for a Chinese 'Jasmine Revolution,' activists say they have been subjected to beatings and humiliation.
AFP
Police surround foreign journalists at a Beijing shopping center designated as a protest site by online groups, Feb. 27, 2011.

As Chinese activists mark the first anniversary of online calls for an Arab World-style "Jasmine Revolution" in China, authorities in the eastern province of Hangzhou announced they would try a prominent dissident for subversion.

The beginning of the Arab Spring in Tunisia last year sparked online calls for Chinese activists to begin their own Jasmine Revolution, prompting the detention and suveilance of hundreds of dissidents and rights defenders across the country.

Chinese activists say they were subjected to beatings, humiliation, and brainwashing techniques during the crackdown, which continues this week with the trial of Hangzhou-based pro-democracy activist Zhu Yufu for "incitement to subvert state power."

"The authorities used every kind of method to make people feel sub-human," said Beijing-based rights lawyer Jiang Tianyong. "This undermines a person's sense of themselves, and of their human dignity and values."

Guangzhou-based independent commentator Ye Du, who was himself detained for a period of time during the clampdown, was reluctant to discuss the experience.

"My treatment at that time was such that I can't bear to recollect it," Ye said.

Jiang said many of his friends and fellow activists felt similarly about their experiences at the hands of China's state security police.

While dozens of those detained by the authorities were eventually freed, many remain under close police surveillance. The Jasmine crackdown has also prompted a string of lengthy jail terms handed to prominent activists for subversion.

"They detained large numbers of people and eventually let them out again," said Wuhan-based rights activist Qin Yongmin.

"But just as everyone was thinking it was all behind us, and that they should let those remaining people go, they sentenced a whole string of people, Chen Xi, Li Tie, and Chen Wei, in the space of a month."

Leadership succession

Qin said he believed the jail sentences handed to the three activists were the result of nationwide preparations for a crucial leadership succession at the 18th Party Congress later this year.

"The authorities are hoping that nothing big will happen ahead of the 18th Congress," he said. "So they are showing political dissidents what they're made of."

Rights groups estimate that at least 40 activists were held under criminal detention in the two months that followed the calls for a Jasmine Revolution—proposed silent demonstrations in major Chinese cities—that, in the event, appeared to attract more police and journalists than protesters.

Authorities in Hangzhou meanwhile announced they would try Zhu Yufu, a founding member of the now-banned opposition China Democracy Party (CDP), for subversion on Tuesday, his wife said.

Zhu's trial would begin at th Hangzhou Intermediate People's Court at 9.00 a.m. local time, according to Jiang Hangli. Only two passes were issued for family to attend the proceedings, she said.

"Only close family members [can attend]," Jiang said, adding that she and the couple's daughter planned to attend the trial. "Even more distant relatives aren't allowed."

She said the case against her husband apparently hinged on a poem he posted online, titled "It is Time," calling on Chinese people to walk the streets in support of political change.

"I read the poem," Jiang said. "But my friends said they couldn't see anything in it ... The lawyer also said that he collected donations and asked about the families who had people in prison over Spring Festival."

"He also gave interviews to journalists; that's what the lawyer said."

'It Is Time'

Zhu was formally detained by Hangzhou police last March after he posted his poem, titled "It Is Time" online.

"It is time, people of China! It is time," the poem read. "The square belongs to us all; our feet are our own."

"It is time to use our feet to go to the square and to make a choice ... We should use our choices to decide the future of China," it said.

Zhu, 60, is a veteran activist who first caught the attention of the authorities during the Democracy Wall movement of 1978. He was sentenced in 1998 to a seven-year jail term for his involvement with an unprecedented attempt to register the Zhejiang provincial branch of the CDP as a civil organization with the authorities.

Prior to his most recent arrest, he had been under frequent surveillance by police.

Zhu's charge sheet mentioned his habit of giving interviews to foreign media, his publishing of "subversive" opinions, his propaganda on behalf of the CDP and his online promotion of calls for a Jasmine Revolution in China, according to fellow CDP activist Zou Wei.

Reported by Grace Kei Lai-see for RFA's Cantonese service, and by Lin Ping for the Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

纪念反右运动五十五周年

     来源:参与 作者:叶光庭
   
     (参与2012年1月31日讯)一九五七年的反右运动至今五十五年了。数字的偶合使这个年头显得有点特殊:当年被打成右派的人数,据最早官方公布的数字是五十五万,今年又恰逢反右运动五十五周年。对于某一重大历史事件,在逢五逢十的年头来一次纪念活动,由来已久,是全世界普遍的习俗;所以我们中国人今年对于反右运动理应进行一次隆重的纪念,对于我们这些戴过右派桂冠的人说来尤其重要。 (博讯 boxun.com)
   
    五十五年!在一个人说来,是很长的时间了。当年正是青壮年华的蒙冤受难者,有的在那个惨酷的年代就已被折磨死去;有的留下伤残的躯体,被慢性病缓慢地啃啮掉生命。在半个多世纪的漫长岁月中,这五十五万被送上撒旦祭坛的右派,绝大多数已经含冤离开人世,有幸留得残生苟活至今的,也已风烛残年,寥寥可数了。
   
    今天,在反右运动五十五周年之后,回顾当年这场惨绝人寰的政治运动,审视今天尚存人世的含冤受屈者的处境,令人不胜唏嘘感慨!反右运动打击了这么多无辜的好人,但至今当权者仍没有真诚认错,反而把反右运动列为禁区,不许人们触及,不许人们公开讨论;当年的劫后余生者仍受到歧视,他们的维权行动受到打压,甚至他们死了也不能像普通人一样,受到朋友的悼念和祭吊。
   
    实际上反右的阴云仍旧黑沉沉地压在中华大地的上空,只不过规模缩小了,而且换了一种时髦的新形式,改了一个新罪名——“颠覆国家政权”罢了。
   
    
   
    毛泽东发动的反右派运动,是史无前例的阴险恶毒的政治大阴谋,它破坏了中国优秀的传统文化和传统道德,残酷地打击了五十五万文化精英,其中折磨而死,甚至被枪毙者,也是成千成万;其影响之恶劣深远,不知还会延续多少年代。
   
    右派冤案虽说已经在一九七八年的十一届三中全会上得到改正,可是这所谓“改正”却极不公平,更说不上彻底。当年这场政治运动的具体执行者邓小平坚持说:“一九五七年的反右本身没有错,问题是扩大化了。”凭着太上皇这轻轻一句话,就决定了五十五万无辜受难者一生的噩运。他们仅仅在表面上是被“恢复名誉,恢复工作”了,而在实际上,他们的身份至今仍旧同“右派”这个耻辱的名词藕断丝连地纠结在一起,他们仍旧被视为二等公民甚至是敌人,仍旧被剥夺了别人能享受的种种权利。文革期间的“走资派”,都彻底平反了,被扣发的工资也都发还了,唯独右派受到特别的苛待,被扣的工资一分钱都不予发还。
   
    根据宪法,人民有言论、出版、结社、罢工、示威游行等等自由,以言定罪,本身就违反宪法;何况一九五七年的大鸣大放,是“伟大领袖”本人大力煽动起来的。那一段时间,为了发动“大鸣大放”,他可说把什么方法都用上了。他在九省市宣传、文教部长座谈会上大谈无人敢触及的“言论自由”,又接连和文艺界、新闻出版界、高校校长座谈,打消他们的顾虑,鼓励大家发言。然后他又去天津,对党员干部讲话,大讲不要怕放毒;接着去上海、南京各地巡回宣讲党的鸣放政策。“五一”前夕,毛还在天安门城楼亲自邀约各民主党派负责人座谈,请大家助党整风。他指出,现在阶级斗争结束了,我们要“向自然宣战”。“伟大领袖”这么真心诚意地希望大家打消顾虑,大胆发言,谁不深受感动,以一颗赤诚之心,响应他的号召呢?何况他还庄严地承诺“言者无罪”,保证“不抓辫子、不扣帽子、不打棍子”的。谁能料得到言犹在耳,“伟大领袖”却蓦然变脸,慈善可亲的观音,一下子变成狰狞可怕的罗刹,先前说过的好话一笔勾销,反过来却把听他的话而忠心进谏的人,全部打成“反党反社会主义右派分子”呢?
   
    以国家领袖之尊,而干出这等背信弃义、诱骗构陷的流氓勾当,残害并逼死这么多好人,不但暴虐残忍、卑鄙下流之极,实际上已触犯了刑律,又岂能以“阳谋”的诡辩开脱罪责?反右运动是毛泽东专制独裁、违法违宪一手制造的天下奇冤,古今中外没有一个国家的领袖曾这样设毒计陷害自己的人民的。无独有偶,邓小平为了掩饰自己助纣为虐的罪行,对残酷的反右运动,只轻描淡写地下了“扩大化”的结论,更有力地暴露了共产党的专制独裁、死不认错的丑恶面目。
   
    为了说明反右运动是“必要的、正确的”,邓小平特地留下六名著名的大右派,作为样本,不予改正。他们是:章伯钧、罗隆基、储安平、彭文英、陈仁炳五位民主党派里鼎鼎大名的人物,还有一位是右派学生林希翎。
   
    让我们看看邓小平的“扩大化论”到底是什么货色。
   
    
   
    我们姑且承认当年被打成右派的人数五十五万是个精确的数字,未改正的六人,则改正的人数是五十四万九千九百九十四人。用最简单的数学公式推算一下,那么错划右派人数是百分之九十九 .九九,其余六人,姑且承认都是货真价实、不应改正的右派,也只占百分之○ .○一。为了这区区百分之○ .○一的“真右派”,竟打击了那百分之九十九 .九九的好人,难道也是“正确的、必要的”吗?这样的结论是根据哪一条逻辑规律作出的?这只能是极其荒唐的逻辑,——是撒旦的逻辑,吸血鬼的逻辑!
   
    我们再来看看那六位不予改正的右派,他们到底犯了怎样的弥天大罪?
   
    先说第一号大右派章伯钧。章伯钧的主要右派“罪行”是他提出“政治设计院”。其实这个“政治设计院”,据后来泄露的秘辛,是毛泽东本人首先提出来的,反右运动时却被诬栽到章伯钧身上了。章伯钧当初胆敢顶着极大的压力,坚决拒绝认罪,就是因为手中有这张王牌的缘故。不过章伯钧当然知道,如果他鲁莽地把这件事情抖了出来,他肯定没命了。最后为了让毛泽东“下台”,由彭真出面,与章伯钧做了一笔暗室政治交易:章伯钧为了领袖的尊严,折节屈身承担了这个“罪状”,使得“伟大领袖”得以从尴尬中脱身;另一方面,章伯钧又因而得到一笔丰厚的报酬,——享受其他右派不能享受的高级待遇。
   
    根据这个事实,很明显,章伯钧的右派罪行是不能成立的。如果一定要以此定罪,则这个“反党反社会主义”的大罪实际上应该由毛泽东来承担。把它强加于章伯钧,完全是个错案。
   
    再说第二号大右派罗隆基。罗隆基的主要“罪行”,第一是他被指与大右派章伯钧结成反党的“章罗联盟”,第二是提出“成立平反委员会”。
   
    当时谁都知道,章罗二人是水火不相容的。反右时罗隆基正在国外参加一个国际会议,回国后一听说章伯钧承认“章罗联盟”,勃然大怒,就闯到章家与章大吵起来,气得把手杖掼断成三截。“章罗联盟”完全是阴谋家毛泽东凭空捏造的;皇上要强加于人,不认也得认。至于说“平反委员会”,这又有什么错呢?毛泽东不是说过:“有反必肃,有错必纠”吗?延安时期的审干、反奸、抢救运动中,不是也打击了大批好同志,以后审查清楚了,都平反了吗?五十年代初期的三五反运动和肃反运动,也冤枉了许多好人,建议平反何罪之有?文革时期的许多冤假错案,包括邓小平本人都受过冤屈,不是在三中全会上都平反了吗?邓小平为什么不反对,而是全力支持把这场冤案平反得这么彻底,并且把被扣的工资都全数发还了呢?十分明白,因为这场运动是毛泽东一手制造的,邓本人就是一个受害者;反右则不同,邓是毛的暴行的主要帮凶,为了保住自己的面子,证明反右没有错,所以死死拖住几个大右派做替罪羊,不予改正。这是毛泽东指鹿为马的手法,邓小平确实学到家了!他可以凭权势压人,但却不能以理服人。不给罗隆基改正,完全是站不住脚的。
   
    另一个未予改正的右派彭文应,是一位非常可敬、铁骨铮铮的知识分子。他
   
    在三十年代就信仰社会主义,是民盟在上海的重要领导人之一,因此曾被列入国民党暗杀的黑名单。周恩来在上海搞地下工作曾遇急难,彭文应慷慨资助过他,周对此铭记不忘,把他看作党的忠实朋友。一九五七年大鸣大放时,彭文应出于一片忠心,说了些善意的大实话,例如说党群关系有墙有沟,原因之一是干部政策上大材小用和小才大用,有职无权,有德无才和有才无德等不合理情况;又批评新闻报道有片面性,报喜不报忧。张春桥写了一篇文章,恶毒污蔑彭文应反党反社会主义,因而使他被划为右派,天天挨批挨斗。他有病的妻子被吓死,儿子受不了而自杀。彭文应悲痛欲绝,但这位刚直的硬汉始终不肯作违心的检讨。他表白自己是党的朋友,而不是党的敌人;他不承认自己反党反社会主义,不承认错误。因此他受到极重的处分,不但被撤掉民盟内的一切职务,而且取消工资,监督劳动,弄得一家人困苦不堪。以后统战部一位干部登门诱降,答应“只要承认下来,写几十个字,什么都可以解决,帽子就摘掉了。”他的老友王造时也来劝他,但彭文应宁可看一家人饥寒交迫,却坚决拒绝认错。
   
    彭文应忧国忧民,即使陷于家破人亡的绝境,仍不忘一个爱国知识分子为民请命的职责。一九六二年初,他赤诚地向毛泽东和周恩来上万言书,建议“在全国范围内结束反右斗争,摘去所有右派份子帽子,团结起来,建设社会主义”。当然,暴君是决不会倾听忠言的。彭文应拒绝认罪,必然成为不能改正的右派。
   
    再说“章罗联盟的黑干将”储安平。他的“党天下”在邓小平之辈看来,当然是赤裸裸的右派言论了。但即使站在共产党的立场,细读他的发言,他也并未反对共产党的领导。他说:“在国家大政上党外人士都心心愿愿跟党走(当然包括他本人),但跟党走,是因为党的理想伟大、政策正确,并不表示党外人士就没有自己的见解,没有自尊心和对国事的责任感。”这是一个爱国知识分子的肺腑之言。他有意见的是:“在全国范围内,不论大小单位,甚至一个科一个组,都要安排一个党员做头儿,事无巨细,都要看党员的颜色行事,都要党员点头才算数。”储安平以为这是党群关系不好的根源。储安平的“党天下”指的无非就是这些不合理的情况;平心而论,也谈不上反党。储安平发言中最要害的问题,倒是他点出:“解放以前,毛泽东提倡和党外人士组织联合政府。一九四九年开国以后,那时中央人民政府六个副主席中有三个党外人士,四个副总理中有二个党外人士,也还像个联合政府的样子。可是后来政府改组,中华人民共和国的副主席只有一位,原来中央人民政府的几个非党副主席,他们的椅子都搬到人大常委会去了。……”储安平一言戳破了毛泽东的背叛——背叛了反蒋时期的革命同盟者,阴谋发动了静悄悄的政变。背叛者和政变阴谋家没有人敢和他论理,而提了一点意见的人,就是滔天大罪了。“窃钩者诛,窃国者侯”,这是封建加法西斯的强权逻辑。
   
    储安平是超党派的自由知识分子,国民党时期他以犀利的文笔针砭时弊,受到当时左派知识分子的欢迎,也给了共产党很大的支持。因此他创办的《观察》遭到国民党的查封。他对政治有极其敏锐的洞察力,把国民党和共产党都看透了。他说过,“在国民党统治下,自由是多少的问题,在共产党统治下,自由就是有无的问题了。”建国六十多年的历史,证实了储安平洞彻的先见。鸣放时储安平很久一直保持沉默,以后经不起各级领导的反复动员,这位文笔犀利、言论大胆的评论家才写了一篇发言稿,想试探一下领袖的“雅量”。储安平毕竟是书生,哪里斗得过权术枭雄老谋深算的“阳谋”呢。
   
    另一位不予改正的大右派陈仁炳是民盟成员。“解放战争”期间,他呼吁民主,支持学生运动,反对内战,赢得了“民主教授”的声誉。他在《走向民主社会》一书中猛烈抨击国民党专制独裁,对即将实现的新中国怀着满腔希望。他是共产党的热情的支持者。鸣放期间,陈仁炳在《解放日报》发表文章,表示:“作为民主党派的成员,我以最大的忠诚拥护党的整风运动。党这样地以最大的热诚和虚心,征求各方面的批评意见。这样的严格对待自己的精神,是伟大的。”但他也提出共产党“不能一党说了算,民主党派应有更大的发言权”;又看不惯有些民主人士对共产党一味唯唯诺诺,贬之为“乡愿”,而提倡要有“贾谊精神”。此外,他在政协的一些会议上,与柯庆施发生冲突,在不少政策性问题上意见分歧。这样,他就逃不脱被划为右派的厄运了。
   
    最后一个未改正的右派,是原人大女生林希翎。林希翎才华横溢,她在北大的两次演讲,以敏锐的眼光、雄辩的魅力、惊世骇俗的思想引起轰动,激发了左右两派热烈的争论。林希翎大胆地挑战暴君给胡风钦定的反革命铁案,从法理的观点指出,关于“胡风集团的反革命材料是苍白无力和荒谬的”。她竟胆敢将矛头指向“伟大领袖”,说:“毛主席的话又不是金科玉律。”林希翎还批评中国的社会主义是封建社会主义,她深信真正的社会主义应该是民主的。她认为中国现存的制度是产生“三害”的直接原因,并形成特权阶级。她指责共产党在革命胜利后镇压人民,采取愚民政策。这些话全是真话、实话;至于胡风案,以后的事实早已证明这是冤案,胡风也早已平反了。林希翎又错在哪里呢?
   
    林希翎唯一的“错误”是:她坚持真理,顶住沉重的压力,坚决拒不认错。她的才华和胆识受到好几位上层领导人(如人大校长吴玉章、最高法院院长谢觉哉)的赏识,胡耀邦也赞美她是“最勇敢最有才华的女青年”。但在专制极权的制度下,他们非但救不了她,他们对她的关心和爱护,反而使自己的部下也受牵累,掉入右派深渊。作为一位女学生,林希翎的影响之大,极不寻常:仅仅在北京,受她的株连而被划为右派,弄得家破人亡的,就多达一百七十余人,在全国范围内,就更不知其数了。一九七九年右派改正时,胡耀邦曾三次批示:“以改正有利”。可是极左势力就是对抗到底,不让她改正。
   
    
   
    如上文所述,那六位不予改正的右派并不反党,其他的右派就更没有反党的了。五十年代,共产党初掌政权,毛泽东提出建设社会主义的宏伟目标诱骗人民支持,其阴谋还没有被识破,因此爱国知识分子都真心诚意地拥护他。不仅国内,多少国外学业有就的归国学子、专家和爱国侨胞,纷纷放弃了优厚的待遇和光辉的前途,甘愿回到贫穷的祖国过苦日子,参加社会主义建设。这种崇高的爱国主义热情,谁不为之感动!他们和全国人民都把毛泽东的整风动员看作求贤纳谏的诚意,因此都披肝沥胆地向他进献忠言。谁能料想这是一场如此阴险的毒计呢?毛泽东毫不珍惜这些满怀爱国热情和从先进国家带回先进科学技术的宝贵人才,毫不珍惜落后的中国极其稀贵的知识分子和共产党一手培养起来的“新社会”的大学生,狠心地把他们打成右派,打入地狱(巫宁坤先生是死里逃生的一例)。这样的蛇蝎心肠,实在非一般人所能想象。
   
    阴谋家毛泽东对高层右派的处理,考虑到他们的社会地位和影响,还是留点情面的,至于对层次较低的右派,下手就毫不留情了。他还要作秀一番,表示“宽大”,——说是对“敌我矛盾”的右派,作为“人民内部矛盾”来处理。且看他是怎样“宽大”的吧:成千成万的右派(包括十五六岁的儿童和七八十岁的老人)送劳改农场劳改;或开除公职,流落街头,挨饿受冻,任其自生自灭;或下放农村,监督劳动,受尽虐待。昔日人人尊敬的教师医生科技人员,挨尽批斗,社会上无人敢与他们接触,他们只能低头做人;学者专家,沦为扫厕所的贱役,任人打骂凌辱,唾面自干,不敢稍有不满的表示,丧尽人格尊严;刚直耿介之士,怀有“士可杀不可辱”之志,则以一死抗之。而身在死亡集中营——所谓“劳改农场”的右派则更惨了,夹边沟的三千右派,在超体力的繁重苦役、饥饿和非人的虐待之下,三年内倒毙殆尽,葬身荒沙大漠,最后得以活命从地狱出来的,仅有数百孑遗了。
   
    其实,受害的又岂止这五十五万右派!正像清朝的文字狱,他们的家属、亲戚,甚至朋友,受到株连的又何止几百上千万!他们全家沦为贱民,儿孙葬送了前途,有的生活陷入绝境,或不堪压迫甚至自杀。人间的血泪惨剧知有多少!
   
    残害社会精英达到如此残酷的地步,世界上还有哪个国家曾经发生过?像毛泽东这样的暴君,历史上还有谁人可与之相比?
   
    
   
    反右运动是完全非法的、违宪的、阴险恶毒的。对这样一个罪恶的政治运动,为虎作伥的邓小平不予平反倒也罢了,在他以后的第三代、第四代领导人,以清白之身,按理是没有必要为毛、邓担当罪责的,可为什么却死死护住这场冤案,不予彻底平反呢?理由十分简单:他们都继承了毛、邓压迫人民的专制独裁传统,不肯放弃共产党特权阶层的既得利益。
   
    中共非但不为非法的反右运动平反,甚至把反右运动划为禁区,不准人们触动这根敏感的神经。因为它虽然强词夺理,坚持反右运动是“正确的、必要的”,但毕竟承认有“扩大化”的缺点,伤了它的“伟光正”形象;而且它也知道广大人民群众是不会认同它的诡辩的。另一方面,对曾经批评过它的右派,它还是耿耿于心,视同仇敌;所以右派虽说“改正”了,实际上中共也只是表面上放松了一点高压,但一看到他们稍有不服,就毫不客气了。
   
    一九八七年是反右运动三十周年,许良英、方励之、刘宾雁三位发起,拟于二月间召开一次“反右运动历史学术讨论会”。通知发出后,不幸被一位受邀的Q先生告密,讨论会于是被扼杀于谣篮中。不但如此,在“反资产阶级自由化运动”中,这件事还遭到当局的严厉批判,刘宾雁、方励之二位被开除党籍,许良英侥幸逃过一劫,因为邓小平搞错了,把王若望做了替死鬼。到了二OO七年六月底,一批流亡到美国的右派人士,在洛杉矶召开了“反右运动五十周年囯际研讨会”,这回中共鞭长莫及,徒然咬牙切齿,却无可奈何了。
   
    中共对右派的冷酷无情,甚至连死者也不放过。二OO九年九月林希翎在法国逝世后,北京难友組织在某歺馆为她开个追思会。虽然组织者知道此事敏感,行动极其谨慎严密,但仍被无所不在的鹰犬嗅到了。警方立即制止,勒令歺馆当天仃电闭门仃业:但难友们机智地冲破封锁,进入歺馆,在黑暗中用腊烛举行了追思会。
   
    为死者举行追思会是人情之常,只因死者是右派,就禁止朋友悼念,共产党还有一点人性吗?还不止此。林希翎临终遗愿落叶归根,很想在她生活过。获得寸尺的葬身之地:可是在中共残酷的打压下,连这一点卑微的愿望也无法实现。她儿子只得带着妈妈的骨灰,从法国回到老家温岭箬横归葬。
   
    
   
    我们再回过来看中共如何对待生者吧。
   
    今天尚幸存于人世的的五七难友,经历了半辈子苦难和人生的惊涛骇浪,都已到了耄耋高龄。我们并没有被压垮。专制暴政下中国人民的苦难,使我们对这个政权的认识更深了,争取自由民主的意志也更坚定了。我们坚持维权索赔,要向这个邪恶的政党讨还公道,要求为错误的反右运动彻底平反。发还被扣的工资,是我们的底线。其实,这并不仅仅是为了钱,更重要的还是为了维护作为国家主人翁的公民的正当权益,为了我们的人格尊严。
   
    多年来我们一而再,再而三地向中央领导申请,向地方政权申请,要求赔偿扣发的工资。可是对于我们已经堆积成山的申请报告,中央傲岸之极,始终不屑答复我们这些卑微的苦难小民;地方则称,中央没有政策,无权处理。
   
    中共这个专制政权是顽固不化的,它相信暴力万能,从来不肯讲理;对这件违反天理人情的暴行,它更无理可说。按照宪法和国家赔偿法,既然反右搞错了,对受害人理当赔偿。中共把神圣的宪法视为废纸,把国家庄严的法律踩在脚下,对这样的恶棍政权人们还有什么话可说!
   
    纪念反右运动五十五周年,在专制极权的中国既然绝无可能,我们只有在自己的心中纪念了!我们永远不能忘记这个给中国和中国人民带来重大灾难的反右运动,我们还要使我们的子子孙孙牢记这个罪恶的政治运动,行动起来,制止这样的灾难再次发生。我们还要坚持把维权索赔进行到底,死不罢休。
   
    天理昭昭,我们深信,为右派真正平反的一天总会来到的。十八大不行,再等十九大;十九大不行,再等二十大……。共产党不给我们平反,那就只有等着别的什么政党来主持公道,给反右运动平反了。
   
    正义必将战胜邪恶,时候早晚必会到来的。纵使我们大部分难友此生已难亲眼看到,但我们的儿女们也会替我们看到的!
   
     完稿于二○一二年一月二十七日
   

孔灵犀:从荷马、莎翁、韩寒遭遇代笔质疑看知识分子的理性责任

    
   
     剪切板1:莎士比亚的作品也经历了类似的质疑,部分学者认为弗朗西斯.培根有可能是部分作品的代笔者。在经历了几百年不断的学术讨论和证据挖掘后,目前学界普遍的共识认为培根代笔的可能性很小。 (博讯 boxun.com)
   
    剪切板2:韩寒即使代笔并获得了超过本应拥有的赞美,依然无损于以韩寒为署名的文章的符号意义以及对社会所传递的积极信息。我愿意相信韩寒是诚实的,也并不认为在法律层面上韩寒有义务去解释上述不连贯。
   
    --
    美国总统奥巴马雇佣了大批“文旦”帮助他撰写优质的稿件并署以奥巴马的大名,美国前总统克林顿也口述他的经历,由他人代笔并署以克林顿的名字发表传记。在正常社会中,代笔是常见的行为,因为著作权是私权的一种,可以赠予、买卖、交换,不可以赠予、买卖和交换的是作者进行文字创作的事实(authorship)。
   
    人类知识界、学术界几千年来针对各种作品的创作事实进行了理性探讨。尽管荷马是《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》这两部史诗的作者,但这两部文学作品的语言、风格、词汇有各种不一致之处,显示出存在多个作者的可能性。几千年来,学者们运用了新的语言学理论和文字分析方式对的作者身份进行探讨,然而由于年代久远,一手资料匮乏,至今没有结论。莎士比亚的作品也经历了类似的质疑,一些学者认为弗朗西斯.培根有可能是部分作品的代笔者。在经历了几百年不断的学术讨论和证据挖掘后,目前学界普遍的共识认为培根代笔的可能性很小。
   
    此类探讨在文学史上并不罕见,也并非难以得出准确的结论。在现代,西班牙文学史已故诺贝尔文学奖获得者卡米洛·何塞·塞拉于2001年陷入了抄袭案,在其逝世六周年后,巴塞罗那法院审理此案并认定抄袭事实的成立,私权问题在法律框架内得到了妥善的处理。而西班牙的知识分子们,针对塞拉并不拥有全部创作事实的诚信问题,也开始重新审视塞拉在西班牙当代文学史上的影响、地位和贡献。
   
    值得一提的是,西方学界发展出了丰富、科学的方法来分辨作者的创作事实。隐瞒创作事实在西方学界是不可以接受的行为,论文中若存在这些问题将面临严重的后果。西方学界所使用的基本方法有十多种,包括内容分析,错别字分析,词汇丰富度分析,语法结构分析,句子复杂性分析,造句法分析,抽象句法结构分析等,每一种分析都有其具体的方法和标准。方舟子等人蹩脚地使用了上述若干种方法,认为署名为韩寒的文章并非由其本人独立创作。在各种质疑和非理性的声音此起彼伏之际,政治学教授刘瑜、法学教授萧瀚认为这种质疑是对私权的侵害。
   
    事实上,本次争论的焦点并非是两方争夺作品的所属权,而是一方对另一方文字原创性的探讨,即是否存在代笔,若代笔,由谁撰写了大约多少比例。这不是私权问题,而是诚信问题,并在坚定的态度和悬赏的邀约下显得更加突出。方舟子等人提出对韩寒的质疑,人身攻击部分显然令人遗憾,但并非因为质疑者有根深蒂固的道德或生理缺陷,而是因为以下三个方面的若干事实共同违背了他们的常识和经验。如果能够得到真正合理的解释,相信大部分怀疑的声音会转变成由衷的肯定和支持——
   
    1)能力的连贯性。质疑者们认为署名为韩寒的作者在文字作品中所展现的渊博学识、丰富词汇以及对成人心态的入骨把握,与作为公众人物的韩寒至今无法在人文话题上展开深入对话的形象不相符合。韩寒友人表示,写作过程中屡屡借鉴名著并不需要精读名著,而作品完成后不擅言谈只是缺乏夸夸其谈的兴趣。质疑者们回应认为,如果好几部小说的创作事实可以证明这位署名为韩寒的作者具备超越同龄人的知识面和语言能力,那么作为公众人物的韩寒,在大量不同场合下的平庸表现,无法让他们相信同样的韩寒回到家中就能够独立写出那些作品。质疑者同时指出,署名为韩寒的作者对人文话题并非缺乏兴趣,但他深刻的思考仅仅只是出现在文字采访中,这无疑又加深了对是否存在两个韩寒的疑问。
   
    2)记忆的连贯性。质疑者们认为韩寒父子在不同的文章和书籍中对若干关键事件各自做出了较大差异的陈述。对此,韩寒友人用记忆模糊和年代久远进行了解释。可质疑者们认为,这些解释无法构成足够的合理性基础来让人们接受如此巨大的差异程度。不仅如此,质疑者认为韩寒的回应避重就轻,尤其是当某些陈述与某些无可辩驳的客观事实相违背时,更加深了对1)的怀疑。
   
    3)心态的连贯性。质疑者们认为现代行为心理学提供了多重可靠的视角,并相信韩寒的行为符合了对撒谎者特征的总结:a)情景下的戏剧性行为(悬赏),b)陈述中的多重矛盾之处,c)提供大量细节急于自证,d)情绪急躁的反击和侮辱性人身攻击等。韩寒友人认为韩寒的行为和心态正常,如有急躁也是自然的情绪反应。
   
    我无法也无意对创作事实问题做出任何结论性判断,但我明白任何人在没有读完对方观点时任何情绪性的判断都不仅毫无价值,而立刻显示了理性能力的缺失。在批驳对方的观点时,当且仅当你对他人观点的总结在他人看来是可以接受的时候,你才有资格在此基础上展开反驳性的论述。如果对方不认为你做出的总结可以代表他的想法,那么需要进一步的沟通,直到对方认为你真正理解为止。
   
    从效益层面而言,我倾向于认为,韩寒即使代笔并获得了超过本应拥有的赞美,依然无损于以韩寒为署名的文章的符号意义以及对社会所传递的积极信息。我愿意相信韩寒是诚实的,也并不认为在法律层面上韩寒有义务去解释上述不连贯。然而从诚信角度而言,韩寒有责任对理性的质疑做出回应,用大度的姿态去补充质疑者的信息盲点,用宽广的心胸去面对攻击和揣测,他将会对热爱他的广大年轻人起到更好的表率作用。
   
    尽管我对方舟子的若干次(包括本次)质疑和某些表达方式持以保留意见,但我倾向于相信信息或经历的不对称导致了判断差异,而绝非道德缺陷使然。也真诚希望刘瑜和萧瀚等知识分子们不要选择性地无视持异己观点的人们处于大量恶毒的人身攻击之中。用理性影响大众不仅仅是你们的良知,也是你们的责任。我相信通过沟通和交流在更大范围内达成共识是建设公民社会的基础,而对争论双方人格和尊严的肯定,要远远大于争论内容本身。

张博树:用宪政体制化解民族问题

     来源:BBC 作者:张博树
   
     民族地区“维稳”形势更加严峻 (博讯 boxun.com)
   
    近来,在四川甘孜藏区连续发生藏人自焚事件,再次引起人们对中国民族问题的高度关注。
   
    民族区域自治本来是中华人民共和国的既定国策,并写入宪法。但在过去60余年的时间里,民族自治并没有得到真的落实。共产党的无神论意识形态、毛泽东年代的阶级斗争逻辑和以“民主改革”名义进行的强行社会改造严重破坏了民族地区的宗教、社会结构和文化生态,在西藏、新疆等地区,少数民族的传统宗教和文化受到毁灭性摧残。改革开放以来,中央政府加大了对民族地区的投入,民族地区的经济、民生均有所改善。但党专制体制所特有的“党委书记当家”和绝大部分民族地区事实上存在的“汉人当权”现象依然如故,民族自治不过停留于纸上。
   
    随着近年来西藏“3.14事件”和新疆“7.5事件”的爆发,体制性矛盾与民族间矛盾叠加,民族地区“维稳”形势更加严峻。
   
    流亡藏人的“中间道路”主张
   
    北京一直指责远在国外的达赖喇嘛坚持“西藏独立”,是制造“分裂”的后台。这当然有悖于事实。真实的情况是,达赖喇嘛早已放弃“西藏独立”的诉求,而希望在西藏实现真正的自治,这就是流亡藏人的“中间道路”主张。
   
    2008年10月,达赖喇嘛的代表在同中央统战部官员举行第八次会谈时,曾呈交《全体西藏民族实现名副其实自治的建议》,阐述了流亡藏人关于如何在中华人民共和国宪法框架内实现藏民族自治的基本意见。这些主张包括:尊重西藏民族的同一性;希望西藏民族的特性、民族文化和精神得以保存和延续;希望西藏民族自古以来居住之脆弱的高原生态环境能够得到保护;在藏区实行名副其实的民族区域自治,而且实施要符合藏人自己的需求、特性和重点;保护西藏的语言、文化、宗教;制定属于西藏自己的教育制度并自主进行管理;促使西藏人经济自立;自我管理西藏的内部秩序及公共安全;希望阻止对藏区的大规模移民迁入,改变了的人口结构将导致藏民族特色的消亡;中华人民共和国境内所有藏人居住区全部纳入统一的西藏民族自治体制内,不再分属于不同省区;自治区地方立法应与其他省级立法一样,不必经全国人大常委会批准;达成上述协议后,西藏流亡政府将失去存在意义并立即解散;等等。
   
    应该说,这些主张是善意的,其基本要求也是合理的,却被统战部官员指责为“变相独立”或“分裂”(见中共中央统战部副部长 朱维群2008年11月接受BBC专访的谈话:达赖的自治要求是变相独立)。某种意义上,我们可以理解北京当权者的“苦衷”:民族问题牵一发而动全身,除非下决心进行根本的全国性体制变革,民族问题不可能单独得到最终的解决。而如果抱定“共产党的江山万世不易”,则民族问题将继续拖延下去,积重难返,直至最后爆炸。
   
    为什么民族问题已成“瓶颈性难点”?
   
    当今形势下,民族问题已成为中国宪政改革和民主化转型的瓶颈性难点。这个问题处理好了,中国可以顺利度过民主转型这一关,而迎来统一的、多民族共治的宪政中国的崭新时代;如果处理不好,则会加剧民族冲突甚至导致国家分裂,民主转型本身也可能受到致命的挑战而功亏一篑。
   
    这绝不是危言耸听。试想,如果中共当政者继续目前的高压统治,拒不实行宪政改革,社会矛盾继续累积、发酵,迟早爆发内乱,乃至造成整个国家失控;在这种情况下,新疆、西藏甚至内蒙古的少数民族均可能提出独立要求,而且这个要求在那种情况下会显得如此自然、如此合理;但国内占人口绝大部分比例的毕竟是汉族,他们中的绝大部分不会赞成国家分裂,这将使汉族的民主派人士处于极其尴尬的处境;更糟糕的是,这时,很有可能从旧体制阵营中出现“枭雄”人物,以反民族分裂、反国家分裂为名邀买人心,获得汉族民众支持,打击自由主义宪政改革派,镇压“民族分裂活动”,在全国重新实施铁腕统治。总之,这个结果,将阻断中国的民主转型进程,使中国倒退几十年。
   
    所以,民族问题,兹事体大,它不仅关乎各民族兄弟的自由和福祉,而且关乎宪政中国的成败和未来!
   
    也正因为此,只要有百分之一的希望,我们还要做百分之百的努力,争取体制内外良性互动的和平转型。或者,即便突发性转型在所不免,我们也希望各民族的民主人士,以转型大业为重,以各民族兄弟的根本福祉和长远利益为重,避免分裂,共同争取宪政中国的美好明天!
   
    未来宪政中国的民族政策
   
    未来宪政中国的民族政策应该是什么样的?笔者认为,未来中国应继续、并真正落实民族区域自治的宪法原则;同时,考虑到某些民族地区已有大量非本族人口居住的现实,应该在这些地区倡导多民族共存共治、和睦相处的原则。笔者相信,在双轨共和制框架内,分级自治有利于民族地区的民族区域自治或多民族共存共治,比如,未来的西藏自治区将基本上是省一级单一民族的自我治理;而广西、云南等地的民族区域自治可能主要在县一级,省(自治区)则更多体现多民族共存共治的特点。
   
    根据双轨共和制原则,实施民族区域自治或多民族共存共治的地区,将比纯汉族地区拥有更多的自治权力,这主要体现在使用本民族语言,发展本民族教育,保护本民族特殊的文化、宗教遗产,开展自主的对外文化交流等方面。但民族自治地区也要遵循双轨共和制中行政双重负责的集中治理原则,自治区行政首长除对本自治区的民意代表机构负责外,还要对中央政府负责。民族地区的水资源、矿产资源、野生动植物资源等均为国家和全体中国民众的共同财富,对它们的保护和合理开发是中央政府和民族区域自治政府共同的责任。民族区域的国防和外交由中央政府负责。
   
    鉴于大部分民族地区经济、社会发展水平仍较落后,在未来宪政中国,中央政府仍然有义务通过各种形式帮助民族自治地区更好、更健康地发展。东部和中部地区较为发达的省份以及和内地建立了更为紧密的经济联系的港澳地区也有支持民族地区发展的责任。
   
    作为中央级民意代表机构,未来宪政中国的议会第三院,也即省际联合议院,将在民族事务的协调和处理上发挥重要作用。
   

胡锦涛愈发保守,温家宝更加孤独

    作者:辽呜
     在一个时刻以高唱改革为己任的政党内部,谁是改革派,谁是保守派,其实已经很明显了。但现实是,掌握改革大权的保守派以胡锦涛为核心,咬定青山不放松,只力求在十八上顺利交权,而以温家宝为代表的改革派,却更加深陷无权改革之困境,只能坐看改革时机流失而无奈。
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    很多人将温家宝在中东谈论“阿拉伯之春”看做是表达中国改革派改革愿意的最后一搏。但事实上是,这一搏的力量其实已十分有限,更像是温家宝这个中共最后的改革者的“临别忠言”。进入新年第一天,中共党魁胡锦涛即在《求是》上撰文,“强调建设社会主义文化强国”,并明显针对温家宝直指“中国社会道德严惩滑坡”的滥殇,高调宣称,“经过改革开放以来的不懈努力,我们走出了中国特色社会主义文化发展道路,显著提高了全民族思想道德素质和科学文化素质、促进了人的全面发展……”。
   
    同时,《求是》还配以评论员文章《正确认识我国社会现阶段道德状况》,明确提出中国“社会道德状况在总体上获得巨大发展进步”,这个与温家宝观点完全相反的论调。期间的含义,其实已经很明白:其一,胡锦涛已经彻底与温家宝分道扬镳;其二,胡完全滑向了无视社会变革呼唤、自娱自乐的保守派,温家宝彻底失去了中共党魁的信任和支持,改革派陷入完全被动的局面。
   
    这样的结果,明显是因为中共十八大前权利斗争加剧,团派利益集团和太子党权贵利益集团,为了更好地把持权贵集团对中国社会财富分配权所进行了排除异己的斗争结果。
   
    之所以如此,是因为中国已经不需要改革,因为经过30多年的体制调整,第一拔得益者和他们的同盟者——第二拔得益者团派,已经牢牢地掌握了瓜分中国社会财富的权力之剑。
   
    太子党就不用多说了,文革后翻身的一代中共老人们,通过运用改革手段,重新掌握了中国社会资源的调配权力,附着其上的子女们便如影随形地进入党政军经各个领域,握枪的握权、掌权的掌权、捞钱的捞钱。原本作为改革同盟者的团派力量,由胡耀邦带入党内,但接连的反自由化及六四风波中,团派的墙头草性质得以发扬,改革同盟军变成了新的瓜分者,背弃了胡耀邦的胡锦涛,迅速成为六四后走向反动保守的邓小平的亲信,从而成为接班人。
   
    由这样的人领导的团派,已经不是改革者的队伍,而是分肥者的集团。胡锦涛执政近十年来,团派亲信遍布大江南北、中框要机。或诸侯,或要员,或干吏,已经牢牢掌握着大半个中国。
   
    而胡锦涛本人,于改革无寸进之功,于倒退到有千里之劳。不仅在第二个任期内大兴“维稳”,用超过军费的预算强行压制国内民众不满,就连被邓小平丢弃的“个人崇拜”也重新拾起,在治理少数民族地区陷入无能之境,先后爆出西藏骚乱和新疆骚乱之后,又举起“个人崇拜”的大旗,公然将自己的画像送入西藏各个寺庙。
   
    而他的一帮跟班,也有样学样,在内地主政党务大权者,大举“维稳”大旗,无视民众疾苦,社会倒退,四处镇压;治理边疆者,更无丝毫国家民族大义,但凡遇大小民族矛盾,均以弹压为主,致使整个社会民怨沸腾,呼唤革命之声纷起,誓死抗争之举遍地,中华大地已处摇摇欲坠之境。
   
    这一股风气横行党内,只能以改革之名,行疯狂之实。改革派遭到前所未有的打击,就连良知仅存的温家宝,保守派们也不放过,连年来或明或暗,予以掣肘和打压,导致国务院政令不畅,经济领域改革难以有效推进。
   
    如此局面,实则是政党内部缠斗、王朝晚期的通病,胡锦涛之上台,实则是在历史上无能者频取大位的翻版,是各路利益集团为了利益最大化,通过党内高层大佬进行政治平衡的结果。同样,历史也一再说明,这样的无能者上台后,王朝必然走向保守,民族必然面临存续危机。
   
    十八大后,温家宝一去,中国再无改革派核心。中华大地只会愈发黑暗、腐朽,直至崩溃。这不是历史因果论,而是因为,当今朝野内外,实在看不到任何希望之光。

Monday, January 30, 2012

美国人道捐款被扣 黄琦呼吁国际社会关注

   
    自由亚洲电台2012-01-30报导
   
    美国志愿者捐给身患重病的天网负责人黄琦的3万1千美元到四川成都后,被当地扣押,黄琦多次交涉都无法拿到款项。他呼吁国际社会和中国政府关注这一事件,促使这笔救命款顺利运作。
   
    图片:89小英雄周国聪母亲唐德英、成都农民领袖李廷惠等前往看望黄琦先生。(六四天网/资料图)
    美国人道捐款被扣 黄琦呼吁国际社会关注

    天网负责人黄琦身患激进性肾炎,急需资金做手术,来自美国各地志愿者捐款共3万1千美元周日通过国际汇款商户西联电汇给黄琦,负责捐款事宜的在美国的中国人权负责人还告诉了黄琦密押号。周一下午3时左右,黄琦前往成都市中国银行办理此款,银行职员称“没有这笔款项”,后又称“密押号不准确”。 就这样,有关方面以账户不存在为由,扣押这笔人道捐款。
    
    本台记者周一下午打电话给黄琦询问有关情况,他表示:我在入狱这几年来身体蒙受巨大的伤害,在狱中患了激进性肾炎,海内外的朋友们一直很关心我,大家节衣缩食给我筹集了这笔钱,他们的目的很简单,尽快帮助我恢复良好的身体,但是在汇款寄来的过程当中,当局采取了一系列的手法截流这笔钱,当然在截流钱的过程中我们也多次向他们说明利害关系,说明我们急需这笔钱做手术,有关方面特别是中国的西联代办处他们置基本的人道理念于不顾,对我们的劝说始终不听。这种人道捐款都要截流的话,那么这个世界还有公理吗?
    
    西联客户服务部的职员周一晚近8点对本台表示:领不到(款)有原因的,你要想知道原因,到底是什么状态,为什么会领不到,或者为什么寄不出去的话,都要拿那个号码给我们看我们才知道的。而黄琦向他们提供密码号时,对方称账户不存在。
    
    中国天网人权事务中心要求有关方面立即处理该案,并迅即给出正确说明,以确保银行客户基本资金安全。黄琦还呼吁国际社会和中国政府关注事件,尽快促使这笔救命款顺利运作。
    黄琦说,问题应该出在中国有关部门方面。他说:他们这种做法只有一个目的,就是让我们处于无钱治病的状况,让我们自生自灭,让我们中国异议者病死、困死在疾病的路上,当然这个病不是我们自身造成的,是由于多年坐牢造成的,国际社会对这种事应该有处理规则,我们相信西联公司,相信曼哈顿银行做出相应的处理。
    
    西联的业务遍布中国各地超过32,000个合作网点組成的网络,合作伙伴包括很多中国的银行。

Petitioners Thrown in 'Black Jails'

2012-01-26
Chinese petitioners describe beatings, detentions in what they call the worst crackdown in years.
AFP
A paramilitary guard takes position on Tiananmen Square in Beijing, March 10, 2011.
Authorities in the Chinese capital have detained a number of petitioners from Shaanxi and Shanghai after they unfurled a banner at Tiananmen Square on behalf of jailed fellow activists.

Beijing police swooped down on more than 20 people from Shaanxi's Long county who were protesting the illegal detention of fellow petitioners in a "black jail," or unofficial detention center on the Square last week, according to a group member.

"We unfurled the national flag ... because there are ... four of us locked up in the black jail at Qiutaoshanzhuang," said the petitioner, Zhang Wuxue.

The group also tried to display a banner which read: "The victims locked up in the Qiutaoshanzhuang black jail in Shaanxi wish the central government leaders a happy new year," he said.

"The police came over and snatched away the banner, and then dragged us off to the Tiananmen Square police station," Zhang said.

The four petitioners locked up in Qiutaoshanzhuang have been there for more than a year, according to the Sichuan-based Tianwang rights website.

Beaten, harassed


China’s army of petitioners say they are repeatedly stonewalled, detained in “black jails,” beaten, and harassed by authorities if they try to take complaints against local government actions to higher levels of government.

Many have been trying to win redress for alleged cases of official wrongdoing—including forced evictions, beatings in custody, and corruption linked to lucrative land sales—for decades.

Zhang said the group had been locked in the basement of a guesthouse after being taken from the police station by representatives of their hometown of Baoji city, which oversees Long county.

"We were locked in the basement and got nothing to eat or drink, and we couldn't get out, and the security guards swore at us and beat us," Zhang said.

"Eventually we got a room in a guesthouse with the help of a travel agent."

He said that by Monday, the group had grown from around nine people to more than 20.

Several groups detained

Several groups of petitioners from Shanghai, Fuzhou, and the northeast said they had also been detained in Beijing after they tried to visit the official residence of Premier Wen Jiabao to pay traditional respects at Chinese New Year.

"I was at Tiananmen Square [on Wednesday] at 5.00 p.m," said Shanghai petitioner Wu Shihao.

"I had unfurled a banner and was also throwing leaflets around, and shouting that I would bring down corrupt official demons and fascist bandits."

"I was detained by them ... we are all being held in Jiujingzhuang," he added, referring to a petitioner detention center on the outskirts of Beijing.

"There are more than a dozen of us here, and some people have been held here for three days," said Wu, who has been pursuing allegations for six years that his neighborhood committee robbed him.

"They even took my ID card, and my pension and savings," he said. "My life is over ... I have been wandering ever since."

"I have tried to protest in Beijing several times," he said.

'Worst year yet'

Beijing-based petitioner and rights lawyer Liu Anjun said the authorities are cracking down harder on petitioners in the capital this year, compared with previous years.

"This is probably the worst year yet, and many petitioners in Beijing are facing great hardship," Liu said. "Relief work for the petitioners has also run into a lot of obstacles."

He said petitioners' protests have become more organized and more vocal as a result.

"Now they are protesting for their rights collectively, and they are very united right now," Liu said.

"Another thing is that there has been more of a crackdown on them this year, which has been the worst so far."

"According to my knowledge, a large number of petitioners have been detained, and some of them have been locked up in black jails," he said.

Reported by Qiao Long for RFA's Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

Security Clampdown Widens

2012-01-29
Chinese authorities impose sweeping controls across Tibetan areas.
AFP
Armed Chinese PLA soldiers walk down a street with Tibetan writing on the wall in Chengdu in Sichuan province on Jan. 27, 2012.
Authorities in Beijing have ramped up security across Tibetan areas—from Lhasa, capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region, to the Amdo and Kham regions—following deadly protests last week, according to sources.

As Tibetans grieved over the deaths of protesters gunned down by Chinese security troops in the Kardze (Ganzi) and Ngaba (Aba) Tibetan Autonomous Prefectures in Sichuan province, Chinese security forces clamped down on activities in Tibetan areas.

An unknown number of Tibetans have also been detained over the protests as the Tibetan parliament-in-exile in India said it would hold a series of campaigns to express "solidarity" with the Tibetans inside Tibet and "garner the international community’s support to press the Chinese government" to defuse the escalating tensions.

“The presence of security forces in Serthar [in Chinese, Seda] is intense. The area is encircled by Chinese police and armed forces and Tibetan movements are restricted," a source in the area told RFA at the weekend.

"The body of [one protester] who was shot in Serthar was not given to the Tibetan monastery, not even to the [influential] Serthar Buddhist Institute, and instead was taken by Chinese authorities to Chengdu and cremated as per Chinese choosing,” the source said.

Serthar was among three counties in Sichuan province where Tibetans protested against Chinese rule last week and where rights and exile groups believe at least six were killed and 60 injured, some critically. The other counties were Draggo (in Chinese, Luhuo) and Dzamthang (in Chinese, Rangtang).

Official Chinese media reported only two Tibetans were killed following "mob" attacks.

“The presence of armed Chinese force is significantly increased … in Draggo and Serthar," another source said.

"Additional troops were moved from the [Sichuan capital] Chengdu [security] command region. Those additional troops are reported to be from Deyang and Mianyang Military Camps."

Telephone links to the protest areas have been mostly cut, some sources said.

The Dzamthang area is also under lockdown and surrounded by troops of armed police, according to monks in exile with contacts in the area.

Kalsang, an MP in the Tibetan parliament-in-exile in Dharamsala, India, said on Friday that the strictest military controls were being imposed in Serthar, Kardze, and Draggo.

China's ruling Communist Party has already deployed "working groups" in every village and monastery in Kardze and Ngaba prefectures, according to Jampel Monlam, assistant director of the Tibetan Center for Human Rights and Democracy in Dharamsala.

Lhasa 'tense'


Residents in Lhasa said the capital was tense, with security forces deployed across the city and going around searching homes, advocacy group Free Tibet said.

One Lhasa resident told the group about Lhasa’s Barkhor Street, which surrounds Jokhang Temple, Tibet's holiest and most ancient temple:

“How horrible it is. I dare not look around in a casual manner, dare not move around freely. Armed personnel are everywhere, police are on every corner.”

In one Lhasa district, one family described to Free Tibet how their homes were searched for no apparent reason.

"Security forces demanded to know the names and whereabouts of all their family members. They made it clear that they knew that the family had relatives living abroad and that they knew that the family made calls to these relatives."

Security personnel warned the family not to discuss politics with their relatives during telephone calls.

“Chinese authorities are using intimidation and surveillance of ordinary Tibetans to instill a culture of fear and stop people from speaking out,” said Free Tibet Director Stephanie Brigden.

Diplomatic mission

Penpa Tsering, speaker of the Tibetan exile parliament, said on Sunday that a four-member parliamentary delegation has headed to New Delhi to "seek support" from U.N. officials and foreign embassies to help resolve the crisis.

“We call upon the governments around the world to not only express your concern but also seek your intervention in de-escalating the prevailing dangerous situation inside Tibet and help find a lasting solution to the issue of Tibet for a mutually beneficial agreement through dialogue,” Tsering said in the memorandum to be submitted to the embassies. 

“We are also sending an open letter to Chinese President Hu Jintao regarding the critical situation in Tibet to seek a lasting solution to the issue of Tibet,” the speaker said.

The Tibetan government-in-exile, the Central Tibetan Administration, has called for a "global solidarity vigil" on Feb. 8 to highlight the latest crisis.

Reported by Lobsang Chophel, Dorjee Damdul, and Chakmo Tso. Translation by Karma Dorjee. Written in English by Parameswaran Ponnudurai and Rachel Vandenbrink.

当局推行买菜刀实名制 评论指稳定要靠民心所向

   
    自由亚洲电台2012-01-30报导
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    北京各大超市商店近日贴出通知要求买菜刀需登记,再度引发民众热议。民间评论指,民主国家宪法赋予全民持枪权,社会也持续稳定,关键要靠民心所向。
   
    近日中国大陆多家媒体都报道北京超市商场中出现买菜刀需要登记的通知,通知称:严禁卖给行为异常、精神异常者以及未成年人。如遇上述人员买刀具要立即上报属地派出所。对购买管制刀具的单位和个人要实名登记身份证,并要求该通知要贴在刀具销售柜台显著位置。而购买刀具的市民不仅要出示身份证,个人单位等信息也一并要求登记。
   
    周日下午,北京市公安局在给中新社记者的书面答复中就此回应说,老百姓购买除管制刀具外的生活用刀(家用方头菜刀),无需出具身份证。同时也承认如购买刀具超出公安部规格的管制刀具则需要实名购买。按照公安部颁布的管制刀具认定标准,在各类单刃、双刃和多刃刀具中,凡刀身长度超过15厘米、刀尖角度小于60度的;刀身长度超过22厘米、刀尖角度大于60度的,都被认定为管制刀具。
   
    北京维权律师刘远周一向本台表示:我昨天才看到这条新闻,如果说菜刀实名的话,那么每个菜刀都要有编号才行。没有编号的话实名是没什么意义的。就和钱币一样,每个钱币都有编号。如果有人用这些钱做不法行为就可以查到。国民用菜刀行凶的案例我还是在国内很少看到的。他们搞这个菜刀实名是做什么考虑我也不是很清楚。
   
    菜刀实名制成为周末最热话题,不少时评家在不同网站对此发表看法。赵艳生在《“菜刀实名制”预防犯罪不实用》一文当中认为,菜刀实名制“不仅预防犯罪的效果不大,甚至还阻碍了人民群众的正常生活”“菜刀实名制”管不住犯罪分子的“无情刀”,实名制似乎是一项费力不讨好的脑残制度。
   
    相比较时评家们的言论,微博网友的评论要尖锐得多。有网友表示自己买刀就被实名了,也有网友埋怨说谁家的菜刀没有22厘米长。还有不少人提到了持枪权,北京网友兰一在微博上说,在民主法治国家,即使宪法赋予全民持枪权,社会也持续稳定;在专制极权国家,即使连老百姓买把菜刀也严加管制,社会却依然危机四伏。
   
    北京民主人士查建国告诉本台记者:我觉得这件事情是很可笑的。北京基本没有发生过这样的事情。就是有人拿菜刀砍人你也不必这样反应过度。而且这个法律依据也有问题。家家户户都有菜刀,你这样子做并不能达到什么目的,反而变成了很可笑的事情。一个国家社会的稳定,还是要靠民心所向,靠民主制度,靠政府的合法性。依靠这些管制维持稳定只能说明政府心虚,胆怯,而且还起不到什么作用。
   
    2010年3月福建南平市发生连续砍杀8名男童事件,而后多地发生效仿此类行凶方式。在杀童事件之后,校园安全和菜刀实名制成为众所议论的话题,菜刀也成为当局“稳控”的对象。曾有消息称校园周边不允许卖刀具,以及大于15厘米的刀具需要登记等。
   
    博客作家张洪泉在《“买菜刀实名制”纯属惰政之举》一文当中写道“一个地区的稳定,让民众安居乐业,更应该有一个宽松的社会环境,让民众之间能相互信任、相互支持,达到和谐的境地。社会管理不可能一劳永逸,这里除了需要有全面规范的法律体系,更需要执法者有足够的智慧。”
   

高山案涉案人员李东哲潜逃加拿大7年后回国自首

    
   
    
高山案涉案人员李东哲潜逃加拿大7年后回国自首

    李东哲(资料图)
   
    (新华网) 记者从公安部获悉,在我公安机关的长期努力下,潜逃加拿大7年之久的重大经济犯罪嫌疑人李东哲已于近期从加拿大回国投案自首。
     李东哲在2000年至2004年间,伙同他人采取不法手段,骗取多家受害单位的巨额资金,涉嫌票据诈骗犯罪。案发前,李东哲及相关涉案人员于2004年12月潜逃境外。
     多年来,我公安机关锲而不舍,积极开展对李东哲等外逃犯罪嫌疑人的缉捕工作。在政策感召和法律威慑下,李最终选择回国投案自首。

新闻背景:
    2005年1月4日,东北高速有关人员和吉林省高级人民法院法官在中国银行哈尔滨河松街分行对前者存款余额进行核对时发现,巨额存款不翼而飞。而此前的《银行询证函》显示,东北高速在该行的两账户中共有存款余额2.93亿元。
   
    与此同时,时任河松街支行行长的高山潜逃到加拿大。数日后,东北高速原董事长张晓光因涉嫌经济犯罪被捕。
   
    后警方查明,北京世纪绿洲投资公司实际控制人李东哲与高山、张晓光均为好友,李东哲行贿张晓光,后者指令东北高速在高山分管的河松街支行开户,而所存资金大部分被高山转与李东哲使用。2004年12月31日前后,李东哲、高山先后逃至加拿大.

杰夫•葛莱肯:印度不应在网络审查上效法中国

   
    来源:财经网
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    ●政府也许意在安抚,但结果更可能是沦为监视人民的独裁统治。对互联网内容进行任何形式的审查,都可能导致政治和经济上的后果。
   
    印度在许多方面上意欲赶超中国,但在对言论自由的态度上却不应包括在内。印度经济增长放缓,很多人辩称,为了自由和民主,这样的代价是值得的。但是,对萨尔曼・鲁西迪的封杀和对杰•雷诺的指责却让人对印度的容忍度产生了怀疑。对互联网内容进行审查的举措表明,印度可能正在步中国的后尘,走上错误的道路。
   
    要治理一个世界上最大的,而且可以说是最多样化的民主国家,并不是件容易的事。种姓制度和宗教仍然在印度的政治生活中发挥着巨大的作用。对任何一方势力的哪怕一丝忽视即可点燃起抗议之火,这也给政客们提供了向选民表明立场的舞台。
   
    但是,封杀书籍和艺术家们的做法却与这个以宽容和宪政民主为傲的国家极不相称。上周,萨尔曼・鲁西迪被迫放弃参加斋普尔文学节。活动组织者们收到死亡威胁后,他在活动预定开始前几分钟,取消了视频连接。其小说《撒旦诗篇》在印度遭禁,一些作家现也因在活动上朗诵此小说章节而面临迫害。同一周,印度正式对美国提出谴责,指责其脱口秀节目主持人杰•雷诺暗讽锡克教最神圣的寺庙是米特•罗姆尼的度假别墅。
   
    此类的抗议过去也曾有过,但对互联网进行控制却是最近实施的,也是危险的举措。此前,印度曾有一名请愿者认为谷歌和Facebook等21家网站上存在侮辱印度教徒、穆斯林和基督徒的图片,并将其告上法庭。印度政府要求这些企业建立相关机制,屏蔽不良信息。人权组织反对新法律规定,但政府似乎支持审查。
   
    政府也许意在安抚,但结果更可能是沦为监视人民的独裁统治。对互联网内容进行任何形式的审查,都可能导致政治和经济上的后果。虽然印度生机勃勃的民主制度看来依然强健,但政府对言论自由的不断蚕食终将不利于本国经济发展,对其民族精神来说亦不是件好事。
   
    新闻背景:
   
    1月24日,萨尔曼・鲁西迪取消了与斋普尔文学节的视频连接。在得知组织者们收到了死亡威胁后,他于距离活动预定开始时间仅剩几分钟时做出了这一决定。上周,在报道了对他的暗杀威胁后,鲁西迪取消了亲临斋普尔文学节并发表演讲的计划。1988年,鲁西迪的小说《撒旦诗篇》在印度遭禁。
   
    印度驻美大使将正式对美国脱口秀节目主持人杰•雷诺提出谴责。起因是他用印度锡克教圣地金庙开玩笑,引起了锡克教徒的愤怒。他在玩笑中暗示这一锡克教最神圣的寺庙是米特•罗姆尼的度假别墅。后者现正在竞争美国共和党总统提名。
   
    印度曾有一名请愿者认为谷歌和Facebook等21家网站上存在侮辱印度教徒、穆斯林和基督徒的图片,并将其告上法庭。之后,印度政府要求这些企业建立相关机制,在印度屏蔽不良信息。人权组织反对新的法律规定,但印度政府称,印度是一个保守性社会,宗教团体间曾在历史上出现过暴力冲突,网站上发布的这些侮辱性图片会为公众带来危险。
   
    (杰夫是一位前外交家。他在孟买工作了四年,任英国领事馆首席代表助理、第一金融经济秘书。在加入外交和联邦事务部之前,在英国财政部任职四年。曾在牛津曼斯菲尔德学院攻读哲学、政治与经济专业。)

美国华人人口近430万 文化较高英语偏差

    (中评社)根据美国移民政策研究所(MPI)最新研究报告的估算,美国华人人口近430万,出生于中国大陆和香港的占180万。华人是受教育程度较高的族群,但总体英语水平偏差。
   
       这份报告根据2010年美国社区调查以及国土安全部的统计数据,推算出旅美华人数据,其中来自中国大陆和香港的占4成2,出生在美国或海外美国公民家庭的占3成8,约160万,其余的两成来自台湾和东南亚以及其它地区。 (博讯 boxun.com)
     
     华人的概念比较宽泛,一直以来有关旅美华人数量的估算各不相同。最近亚裔权益组织“亚美推进正义中心”报告,美国人口普查发现,自报血统为“中国人”的有379.5万人,自报为“台湾人”的有23万,两者合计402.5万。
   
      来自中国的移民在美国所有外来族群中是增长最快的,50年增长了18倍,占美国所有外国出生者的比重也从1960年时的1%增加到2010年时的4.5%,目前华人移民是亚裔移民中最大的族群,在所有外来族群中仅次于墨西哥人,居第二位。
   
      特别是进入上世纪90年代以来,华人移民数量迅猛增加。报告发现,来自香港的华人移民1980年时还占来自中国移民总数的2成2,到了2010年比重已下降到1成1,近9成华人移民来自中国大陆,数量达161万,显示中国改革开放以后,中国人移民美国蔚然成风。
   
      中国大陆和香港来美移民中,2001年到2010年间有超过70万人获得了美国绿卡,5成4是靠亲属移民,四分之一是靠职业移民,五分之一是靠庇护。中国人靠亲属移民获美国绿卡的比例低于美国整体移民水平,而通过职业移民获得绿卡的数量仅次于印度,占职业移民绿卡总数的1成2,说明来自中国大陆的留学生成为移民美国的主力。另据估算,来自中国大陆和香港的居美非法移民大约有13万。
   
      从教育程度亦可看出留学生成为中国人移民美国的主力。45.4%的中国移民有大学学士以上学位,比美国本土出生者有学士以上学位的比例高出17个百分点。不过,5岁以上中国大陆移民中,近三分之二报告英文欠佳,香港移民中则只有4成2报告英文欠佳。
   
      中国移民男性从事行业比例最高的依次为:服务业(20.2%)、管理、商务与金融(14.4%)、其它科学与工程(13.7%)、信息技术(11.1%);女性主要是服务业(19.6%)、管理、商务与金融(17.2%)、行政支持(11.6%)。从事高科技和白领工作的华人移民比例明显高于移民整体水平。
   
      超过一半的华人移民居住在加利福尼亚州和纽约州。加州有58万华人移民,而纽约有38万。华人移民聚居的三大都会区是纽约-北新泽西-长岛(41万)、旧金山-奥克兰-弗里蒙特(23万)、洛杉矶-长滩-圣塔安娜(20万),其中华人移民占到旧金山大都会区移民移民总数的近1成8,而这个大都会区的两个大城市旧金山和奥克兰的市长分别是华裔李孟贤和关丽珍。

Sunday, January 29, 2012

Rebecca MacKinnon: Inside China’s censorship machine

Rebecca MacKinnon: Inside China’s censorship machine 2012-01-29 19:01:20  [点击:3]
Special to National Post Jan 29, 2012 – 8:00 AM ET | Last Updated: Jan 27, 2012 6:43 PM ET


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In a new book, excerpted below, former CNN correspondent Rebecca MacKinnon explains how Beijing, and its loyal corporate minions, scrub ‘disharmonious’ material from the Chinese Web:

In fall 2009, I sat in a large auditorium festooned with red banners and watched as Robin Li, CEO of Baidu, China’s dominant search engine, paraded onstage with executives from 19 other companies to receive the “China Internet Self-Discipline Award.” Officials from the quasi-governmental Internet Society of China praised them for fostering “harmonious and healthy Internet development.” In the Chinese regulatory context, “healthy” is a euphemism for “porn-free” and “crime-free.” “Harmonious” implies prevention of activity that would provoke social or political disharmony.

Related
Rebecca MacKinnnon: China's ‘networked authoritarianism’
China’s censorship system is complex and multilayered. The outer layer is generally known as the “great firewall” of China, through which hundreds of thousands of websites are blocked from view on the Chinese Internet. What this system means in practice is that when one goes online from an ordinary commercial Internet connection inside China and tries to visit a website such as hrw.org, the website belonging to Human Rights Watch, the web browser shows an error message saying, “This page cannot be found.” This blocking is easily accomplished because the global Internet connects to the Chinese Internet through only eight “gateways,” which are easily “filtered.” At each gateway, as well as among all the different Internet service providers within China, Internet routers — the devices that move the data back and forth between different computer networks — are all configured to block long lists of website addresses and politically sensitive keywords.

These blocks can be circumvented by people who know how to use anti-censorship software tools. It is impossible to conduct accurate usage surveys, but it is believed likely that hundreds of thousands of Chinese Internet users deploy these tools to access Twitter and Facebook every day. Yet researchers estimate that out of China’s 500 million Internet users, only about 1% or so (a number somewhere in the single-digit millions — still a large number of people but not enough percentage-wise to shape majority public opinion) use these tools to get around censorship, either because most do not know how or because they lack sufficient interest in, or awareness of, what exists on the other side of the “great firewall.”

Fortunately for the government, there are plenty of social networking platforms and other delightfully entertaining and useful services on the Chinese Internet to keep people occupied, without much need to access sites and services based overseas — assuming they have no interest in politics, religion or human rights issues. Baidu, the homegrown search engine, enables people to locate all the content on the Chinese-language Internet that their government permits. The social networking platforms RenRen and Kaixinwang substitute for Facebook. People can blog on platforms run by Chinese companies like Sohu and Sina, which also runs a wildly popular Twitter-like microblogging service, Weibo. QQ, run by the company Tencent, offers instant messaging, gaming and all kinds of interactive services that work seamlessly across both PCs and mobile phones.

These companies have all benefited from substantial Silicon Valley investment over the past decade, and many are listed on U.S. stock exchanges or others outside of China. Thanks to the many Americans who find China’s rapidly growing Internet market to be an irresistible investment opportunity, these companies are well funded to provide highly entertaining and useful — albeit censored and heavily monitored — content and services.

These domestic companies are the stewards and handmaidens, the tools and enforcers, of China’s inner layer of Internet censorship. Why simply block content when you can delete it from the Internet for good? Why hire government employees to carry out censorship and surveillance when companies can be compelled to do it? The government requires companies operating inside China to use a combination of computer algorithms as well as human editors to identify objectionable material and remove it from the Internet completely. Companies that fail to obey government orders face different grades of punishment: from warnings or stiff fines to temporary shutdowns or revocation of the company’s business license. Many thousands of Chinese websites and dozens of companies have been shuttered because they failed to control their content adequately.

This requirement of corporate self-censorship applies to all Chinese websites, from small online communities to the largest commercial sites, like Baidu. It also applies to all foreign Internet companies with operations inside China — including Google.cn before Google decided to pull out.

Google’s experience with Chinese censorship helps illustrate how these different layers work. Before it entered China in 2006, Google operated outside the “great firewall,” which means that it was subject to blocking by the Chinese network. For example, if one were on the Internet in China and typed the Chinese characters for something politically uncontroversial, say, “automobile,” into the search box on Google.com, everything would work fine. But if you tried to search for anything politically sensitive — such as the Chinese phrase for “Tiananmen Square massacre” or something related to politically sensitive breaking news, like the name of a city where a riot had just occurred — the page would be blocked. The page existed on a server overseas, but it could not be viewed in China. In other words, the search was blocked not by Google but by Chinese network engineers.

Then in 2006, Google decided that subjecting users to the inconvenience and frustration of such increasingly frequent blockages was not the best way to attract Chinese Internet users to its search engine. So they launched Google.cn inside China, agreeing to abide by the Chinese government’s censorship requirements. To gain permission to operate from within the firewall, Google had to agree to adjust its search algorithms so that results on Google.cn would not include websites blacklisted by the Chinese government. Rather than get a blank page when searching for the Chinese name of a city where a riot had recently been put down by police, users of Google.cn would get a sanitized set of search results about that city, minus web pages containing reports from human rights and dissident websites.

After Google announced in January 2010 it was reconsidering its business in China, then pulled its search engine out of China in March, the government imposed strict media controls on the story. As a first line of defence, the “great firewall” blocked overseas Chinese-language news reports about Google’s decision to remove its search engine. The government also deployed a range of offensive tactics: All blog-hosting services, microblog platforms and social networking services operating inside China were required to censor what Chinese Internet users said about Google. Authorities issued specific instructions to spin and manipulate the domestic media, in an aggressive effort to shape public opinion about what had happened. Not that people could not say anything: they were free to show Google in a negative light, and there were plenty of Chinese Internet users happy to trash Google, as there are all over the world.

But Chinese bloggers and social network users who expressed sympathy for Google’s situation quickly found their postings deleted and blocked by all Internet companies — domestic and foreign — operating inside China. Writings by liberal-leaning people who argued that the free flow of information would be better for China’s economy and that censorship only makes it harder for the Chinese government and people to resolve problems were also deleted. The government’s State Council Information Office issued a direct and detailed order on the subject to all websites and news organizations. A Chinese blogger obtained the full text and posted it online. Here is a portion of that text, translated by the California-based website China Digital Times, run by the exiled activist Xiao Qiang:

It is not permitted to hold discussions or investigations on the Google topic.
Interactive sections do not recommend this topic, do not place this topic and related comments at the top.
All websites please clean up text, images and sound and videos which attack the Party, State, government agencies, Internet policies with the excuse of this event.
All websites please clean up text, images and sound and videos which support Google, dedicate flowers to Google, ask Google to stay, cheer for Google and others have a different tune from government policy.
On topics related to Google, carefully manage the information in exchanges, comments and other interactive sessions.
Chief managers in different regions please assign specific manpower to monitor Google-related information; if there is information about mass incidents [the Chinese euphemism for “protests”], please report it in a timely manner.
Such directives are common, forcing Internet companies to maintain entire departments full of people whose job it is to respond to them. In late December 2010, Wang Chen, deputy head of the Communist Party’s propaganda department and chief of the State Council Information Office — two of several party and government bodies in charge of Internet censorship policies — boasted in a speech that 350 million pieces of “harmful content” had been deleted from the Chinese Internet over the course of one year. Earlier that year, in a presentation to top government leaders, Wang gave a detailed description of an Internet “management system that integrates legal regulation, administrative supervision, industry self-regulation and technological safeguards.” Some sections of his speech (the full text of which was leaked to the New York-based group Human Rights in China) were deleted from the publicly released version. One of these deleted sections, which the government did not intend to share with the public, said:

“We are following the overall thinking of combining Internet content management with industry management and security supervision; combining prior review and approval with supervision afterwards; combining technological blocking with public opinion guidance; combining hierarchical management with local management; combining government management with industry self-regulation; and combining online monitoring with offline management.”

In such an environment where search engines and social networking services are so heavily censored, most people are not even aware of the existence of many facts, incidents or ideas unless somebody they know who is technically savvy enough to access uncensored online spaces happens to email a link to them. People who use domestic email services and social networking platforms to disseminate such information, of course, are subject to monitoring and potential arrest. Data-mining software and “deep packet inspection” technologies make it easy to automate surveillance through the Internet service providers and mobile carriers of all unencrypted Internet traffic no matter what service is being used or where it is based.

In 2011, the government moved to extend these censorship and surveillance mechanisms, as well as to improve their coordination. In March 2011, spooked by the Arab Spring, the central government established a new overarching government agency responsible for controlling all Internet platforms and services. The number of censored foreign websites, social networking platforms, and even data-hosting and “cloud computing” services expanded dramatically. Surveillance systems were upgraded to more aggressively track and identify Chinese citizens who managed to circumvent the blockages to use tools like Twitter. It became commonplace for Twitter users to be questioned about their postings, and at least one person was arrested for no other reason than a tweet she had sent out.

Reprinted from Consent of the Networked: The Worldwide Struggle For Internet Freedom, by Rebecca MacKinnon. Available from Basic Books, a member of The Perseus Books Group. © 2012.

Tighter Grip On Tibet Expected

2012-01-26
The deadly crackdown on Tibetan protests this week highlights Beijing's hardline policy.
AFP
Tibetan monks walk past police vehicles on a street in Chengdu in southwest China's Sichuan province, Jan. 26, 2012.
The Year of the Dragon has begun on a fiery note for Tibet with Chinese security troops using lethal force to suppress protests and Tibetans venting their anger at the authorities in the worst violence in the region in nearly four years.

The bloodshed in Sichuan province's Kardze (in Chinese, Ganzi) Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture this week could escalate, experts warn, as Beijing refuses to ease its hardline policy that has provoked an unprecedented wave of Tibetan self-immolations and street demonstrations.

"They will continue to come down hard. It's all about using strong-arm tactics to contain domestic troubles, which [if they spiral out of control] will give a bad name to a rising China," Mohan Malik, an expert at the Hawaii-based Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies, told RFA.

He said he was "not optimistic" that the new leadership taking over the ruling Chinese Communist Party later this year will accommodate Tibetan demands for cultural and religious freedoms highlighted by 16 self-immolation protests since March last year.

"Anyone who comes to power wants to show he is more nationalistic, especially at a time when nationalism is on the rise in China. They do not want to be seen as weak," Malik said.

Beijing's shoot-to-kill response to the Tibetan protests in Draggo (in Chinese, Luhuo) county on Monday and Serthar (in Chinese, Seda) county on Tuesday only underscores its tight-fist policy of administering the resource-rich region.

The Draggo protests were triggered by Chinese demands that local Tibetans celebrate the Lunar New Year against the wishes of residents saddened by earlier protest deaths, while the Serthar demonstration was fueled by calls for more self-immolations, local sources said.

Beijing said two Tibetans were killed in the unrest while rights and exile groups believe at least six were dead and 60 injured, some critically. Advocacy groups said it was the largest reported shooting of Tibetans since bloody protests against Chinese rule in March 2008.

But Chinese official media blamed the unrest on "mobs" armed with knives and stones who had "opened fire" on local police.

"China's violent provocation—shooting unarmed demonstrators and beating Tibetans who have lit their bodies on fire, along with arresting hundreds of people and issuing inflammatory statements against the Dalai Lama—is pushing Tibetans to the breaking point," warned Tenzin Dorjee, Executive Director of Students for a Free Tibet, which is pressing for independence for the Chinese-ruled Himalayan region.

'Not Chinese'

Dorjee said the latest protests by Tibetans were timed to coincide with the Lunar New Year and aimed at "sending a clear message to the world that they are not Chinese."

"Far from wanting to celebrate alongside their Chinese neighbors, Tibetans are using this occasion to show the extreme resentment they feel about the injustices they suffer under China's rule" Dorjee added.

Han Chinese are expected to outnumber Tibetans in the region by the end of the decade in a demographic shift driven by Beijing that will reduce Tibetans to a minority in their own homeland, experts say.

Some 185 Tibet advocacy groups issued a statement this week condemning Beijing's crackdown in Tibetan areas and calling for "joint international action" against the Chinese government.

Lobsang Sangay, the head of Tibet's exile government the Central Tibetan Administration, which is based in India where Tibet's spiritual leader the Dalai Lama lives, said "resentment and anger amongst Tibetans against the Chinese government" has risen rapidly over the last four years.

"[B]asic human rights are being denied to Tibetans, the fragile environment is being destroyed, Tibetan language and culture is being assimilated, portraits of His Holiness the Dalai Lama are banned, and Tibetans are being economically marginalized," he said.

He also called on the international community to show solidarity and "to raise your voices in support of the fundamental rights of the Tibetan people at this critical time."

But analysts caution that Tibetans should not step up their protests and risk their lives in the expectation that Western powers, including the United States, will come to their aid.

"It would be a great tragedy if the Tibetans took to the streets or in other ways escalated their protests because of an expectation that either the U.S. or any other country is going to come to their aid," Robert Hathaway, an Asia expert at the Washington-based Woodrow Wilson Center for International Scholars, told RFA.

"Virtually everyone here in Washington sympathizes with the Tibetans, but I think we need to be careful that we don't allow our natural sympathies to lead the Tibetans to expect more from us than we are able to provide," he said.

"We're simply not in a position to lend any substantial material support or aid to the Tibetans."

Criticize

But Hathaway said that as the Dalai Lama himself has maintained that he is not pushing for any separation of Tibet from China, foreign powers should not hesitate to criticize Beijing for using lethal force on Tibetan protesters.

"With that important caveat, I think it's quite proper for Washington and for other governments around the world to make sure that the Chinese understand that so long as they use deadly force against their own people, this is going to be a limiting factor in the ability of any foreign country to build a long-term constructive partnership with China," he said.

The fatal shootings this week drew sharp criticism from Washington.

U.S. Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues Maria Otero said the United States is "gravely concerned" by the incidents and repeated Washington's call for China to resume dialogue with representatives of the Dalai Lama.

"The U.S. government repeatedly has urged the Chinese government to address the counterproductive policies in Tibetan areas that have created tensions and that threaten the distinct religious, cultural, and linguistic identity of the Tibetan people," she said.

Beijing has shrugged off Washington's persistent calls to resume talks with the Dalai Lama's envoys, suspended more than two years ago.

The Dalai Lama's envoys have held nine rounds of talks with Beijing, but there has been no breakthrough in terms of greater autonomy for the territory.

This week's violence came ahead of Chinese vice president Xi Jinping's Feb. 14 visit to the White House and in the lead-up to his expected elevation this year as leader of the Communist Party and as president next year.

The State Department said it will raise the situation in Tibet and other human rights issues during his visit.

Xi last visited Tibet in July 2011 to preside over celebrations marking 60 years since China gained control over the region and vowed to crack down on any "separatist activity" in the region, suggesting that Beijing's hardline stance will remain.

As Tibetans stage self-immolations and take to the streets to push for more rights, Xi and other Chinese leaders appear to be losing little sleep, analysts say.

"It's like a pebble in the shoe," Malik said. "It may cause a little irritation, but the Chinese are good at containing such problems."

Media Freedom Worsens in China

2012-01-26
Tightened press controls followed official concerns about 'Jasmine' uprisings.
Imaginechina
A passenger reads a newspaper at a Beijing airport, July 2, 2010.
China has fallen once again in world press freedom rankings, following a year marked by crackdowns around the world, the Paris-based press monitor Reporters Without Borders (RSF) said in an annual report.

"Control of news and information continued to tempt governments and to be a question of survival for totalitarian and repressive regimes," the group said in a statement on its website as it released its 10th annual press freedom index.

"The past year also highlighted the leading role played by netizens in producing and disseminating news," RSF said. "Crackdown was the word of the year in 2011."

At the bottom of the index were Eritrea, Turkmenistan, and North Korea, which RSF described as "absolute dictatorships that permit no civil liberties."

"This year, they are immediately preceded at the bottom by Syria, Iran, and China, three countries that seem to have lost contact with reality as they have been sucked into an insane spiral of terror," it said.

"Dictatorships fear and ban information, especially when it may undermine them."

China came 174th on the index in 2011, compared with 171st in 2010 and 168th in 2009.

The 'right to protest'

Hangzhou-based rights activist Chen Shuqing said the 'Jasmine' uprisings of the Arab Spring had resulted in a huge crackdown on both activists and independent media professionals, including netizens and citizen journalists.

He cited the example of veteran pro-democracy activist Zhu Yufu, who is awaiting trial on subversion charges after he posted a poem online calling on his fellow Chinese to take to the streets in peaceful protest.

"The poem called on citizens to take to the streets ... and the right to demonstrate or protest against the government is enshrined in Clause 35 of the Constitution of the People's Republic of China," he said.

"[This ensures] the freedom of expression, of publication, of association, and demonstration," Chen said.

New York-based rights activist Liu Qing said China's ruling Communist Party had stepped up controls of all kinds in the past year.

"The Party itself admits that there are hundreds of thousands of so-called mass incidents every year," Liu said. "These incidents are developing into something more serious."

He cited recent successful protests in Guangdong's rebel village of Wukan, where residents fought off armed police at the barricades after protesting against corruption in their local government linked to the sale of their farmland.

"This was an organized rebellion," Liu said. "The villagers themselves elected someone to lead them ... and fierce protests involving more than 10,000 people are emerging all the time in Guangdong," he said.

Tightened controls

The New York-based Human Rights Watch said in its annual report last month that the renewed crackdown on political activists had been accompanied by tightened media controls and a bleaker climate for freedom of expression.

The group detailed the cases of 34 Chinese journalists jailed during 2011 on charges ranging from "incitement to subversion" to "revealing state secrets."

While investigative journalism in China has gained strength in recent years, a strict censorship system aimed at rooting out information deemed a threat to the ruling Communist Party has kept pace, the group said.

Reported by Gao Shan for RFA's Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

Police Fire Again on Tibetans

2012-01-26
The shooting occurs as protesters prevent a Tibetan from being held for putting up anti-China posters.
AFP
A Tibetan monk walks past police vehicles on a street in Chengdu in China's Sichuan province, Jan. 26, 2012.
Chinese police shot dead another Tibetan on Thursday as they fired on protesters in southwest Sichuan province in a third day of bloodshed in Tibetan-populated areas this week.

Tibetan sources in exile said at least one man was reported killed and many more were injured when police opened fire on Tibetan protesters who tried to stop them from detaining a person who had put up a poster challenging Chinese rule.

“Today, Jan. 26, at around 12:00 noon [local time], a Tibetan named Tharpa put up a signed poster in Dzitoe Barma town,” located in Ngaba (in Chinese, Aba) prefecture's Zamtang (in Chinese, Rangtang) county, India-based monks Kanyag Tsering and Lobsang Yeshe said in a written statement, citing sources in the region.

Ngaba is one of several Tibetan-populated regions of western China that have been rocked in recent years by protests, including 17 self-immolations, against rule by Beijing.

The poster declared that “Tibetans will never abandon their struggle and will continue to organize more campaigns until the demands of Tibetans who have self-immolated are met,” Tsering and Yeshe said.

The poster demanded freedom for Tibet and the return of exiled spiritual leader the Dalai Lama, and was signed. A photo of Tharpa was also attached, along with a message challenging Chinese police to “come and arrest” him, sources said.

“Later, at around 2:00 p.m., Chinese police and security forces surrounded Tharpa’s home and took him into custody,” Tsering and Yeshe said.

“A large crowd gathered outside the house to prevent police from taking him away, saying that all local Tibetans would rise up in protest if Tharpa was detained.”

“Police then fired on the crowd, killing one Tibetan on the spot and injuring many more,” they said.

“Over 10,000 Tibetans from the neighboring regions of Dzitoe and Dzime have now arrived at Barma town, and the situation is very tense.”

Tightened security

RFA could not independently confirm the figure due to communication problems in the area following enhanced security measures imposed earlier this week.

But a Tibetan named Tsangyang Gyatso, also living in India, confirmed the account and the numbers of Tibetans involved, citing information provided to him by a witness to the shooting.

Chinese security forces have become more aggressive of late in containing Tibet protests.

Beijing said two Tibetans were killed in protests Draggo (in Chinese, Luhuo) county on Monday and Serthar (in Chinese, Seda) county on Tuesday in the the Kardze (Ganzi)  Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture.

Rights and exile groups believe at least six were killed and 60 injured, some critically, in the two areas. Advocacy groups said it was the largest reported shooting of Tibetans since bloody protests against Chinese rule in March 2008.

Chinese official media blamed the unrest on "mobs" armed with knives and stones who had "opened fire" on local police.

The Draggo protests were triggered by Chinese demands that local Tibetans celebrate the Lunar New Year against the wishes of residents saddened by earlier protest deaths, while the Serthar demonstration was fueled by calls for more self-immolations, local sources said.

Reported by Rigdhen Dolma and Chakmo Tso for RFA’s Tibetan service. Translations by Rigdhen Dolma. Written in English by Richard Finney.

Farmer Dies After Eviction Beating

2012-01-26
A Vietnamese rice farmer succumbs to injuries he sustained defending his land.
AFP
Farmers prepare to plant coconut palm trees on a salty water-hit rice field at Thanh Hai commune, in Vietnam's southern Ben Tre province, July 5, 2010.
A rice farmer in northern Vietnam died Thursday after being beaten into a critical condition by police and other groups during a land grab, according to his wife and neighbors.

Police personnel were directed by local authorities to evict Nguyen Van Hung, 50, from his rice paddy in Bac Giang province on Dec. 23 last year, according to residents of the area.

The Provincial People’s Committee, a local government coordinating group,  had wanted land seized so that it could be rented to the Thach Ban Corporation for construction of a brick plant, they said.

Hung’s wife Than Thi Binh told RFA shortly after her husband died on Thursday that the family could not afford to send him to hospital and that he languished to death at home.

”We are so poor that we have no insurance. All that we have left for the household meals are a couple of hundred kilograms (several hundred pounds) of raw rice,” she said.

“We couldn’t sell the rice to pay for his hospital fees, so we could only use [some local treatment].”

A neighbor told RFA that “dozens” of people, including police personnel, attacked Hung as they set out to evict several residents from their farmland in Bac Giang’s Yen Dung district near the Chinese border.

“Hung ran out to his rice paddy to defend it when police and a mob under police command came to take it,” the neighbor said.

“There were so many people—you couldn’t count how many dozens of them—that flocked around him, beating, kicking, and slapping him,” he said.

“They beat him in the face and he vomited blood … We witnessed it.  Everybody saw it all.”


‘They didn’t care’

Another resident of Yen Dung district, speaking on condition of anonymity, said his land was also taken by authorities during the attack.

“At around 6:30 a.m. [on Friday Vietnam time] the enforcement group came to claim the land. We accompanied them, displaying the national flag and [national founder Ho Chi Minh’s] portrait, to be respectful. But they didn’t care,” the resident said.

“They herded everybody into a group. Whoever resisted got beaten. They tore down the flag and the portrait. Then they unleashed dogs to chase the villagers off,” he said.

“Police and self-defense troops—even female security—all came to enforce the eviction.”

Residents said authorities in Yen Dung district repossessed hundreds of hectares of land from farmers in the same area 10 years ago, but had left it barren without moving to begin construction on the site.

Thach Ban General Director Nguyen The Cuong had earlier told the Vietnamese newspaper Dan Viet that he could not afford to purchase the land and had sought help from local officials.

“The available land is costly, so the Committee has agreed to retake the rice paddies to give me a cheaper price,” he told the newspaper.

Armed resistance

Government land seizures are common in communist Vietnam and have become a key source of complaints and protests in the country.

Two weeks after the move to take Hung’s land, soldier-turned farmer Doan Van Vuon led a group of men in an armed resistance against authorities in northern Vietnam who tried to evict him from state land.

Vuon, 49, and his men had allegedly laid homemade land mines and fired improvised shotguns when security forces enforced the eviction in Haiphong city on Jan. 5, seriously wounding four policemen and two soldiers.

Stunned by the resistance, the authorities sent reinforcements comprising about 100 police officers and soldiers wearing bulletproof vests and riot gear to repossess the 19-hectare (47-acre) leased swampland which Vuon had converted into a seafood farm.

Vuon, together with his two brothers and a nephew, were arrested in January for attempted murder in the incident, which has highlighted the plight of people grappling with forced government land takeovers in the country.

Reported by RFA’s Vietnamese service. Translated by Viet Long. Written in English by Joshua Lipes.

yendung-bacgiang-400.jpg

Life in Prison for Asylum Seekers

2012-01-26
Two Uyghurs deported by Cambodia to China are slapped with life sentences in a secret trial.
RFA
Several neighboring countries have extradited Uyghurs to China in recent years.
Two Uyghur asylum seekers who were deported back to China by Cambodia have been sentenced to life imprisonment in a punishment imposed in secret by Chinese authorities and described as severe by rights groups.

The duo were among 18 Uyghurs from China’s volatile Xinjiang region who were believed sentenced to various prison terms since Cambodia deported them on December 19, 2009.

The fate of a woman and two infants who were also deported from Phnom Penh is unknown.

This is the first time news on the punishment meted out to the Uyghurs had been revealed.

They had fled to Cambodia and sought asylum in the Southeast Asian state following ethnic riots involving the minority Uyghurs and majority Han Chinese in Xinjiang's capital Urumqi in July 2009.

Some rights groups say the Uyghurs were fleeing persecution because they had witnessed Chinese security forces arresting and using brutal and lethal force against Uyghur demonstrators during riots.

Uyghurs, who form a distinct, Turkic-speaking minority in Xinjiang, say they are subjected to political control and persecution for opposing Chinese rule in their homeland.

Nurahmet Kudret, 35, and Islam Urayim, 32, were sentenced to life in prison by a local court in a trial shrouded in secrecy, family sources and local authorities in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) told RFA, quoting jail notices they had seen.

Kudret, originally from Gulbagh town in Yarkand county, is serving his life sentence in XUAR Prison No. 3 in Urumqi, and Urayim, originally from Uchturpan county in Aksu prefecture, is serving his term in XUAR Prison No. 1, also in Xinjiang's capital.

It is unclear when the two men were sentenced, or what charges they were convicted of.

17-year sentence
nurahmet-and-musa.jpg
Nurahmet Kudret (L) gets life sentence and Musa Muhamad (R) receives 17-year jail term. Photo: RFA
Another Uyghur who was in the same group that was deported home, identified as Musa Muhamad, was sentenced to 17 years in prison, according to relatives of the 25-year-old man.

They said the Kashgar Intermediate Court sentenced him on Oct. 20 last year in a closed trial but that the authorities refused to provide information on the charges against him.

“We received a notice, dated Oct. 27, 2011 from Dahiyen Jail of Turpan prefecture. The notice stated that my son, Musa Muhamad had been transferred to the jail in line with the verdict of the Kashgar Intermediate Court,” Muhamad’s mother Aytursun told RFA.

“This is the first and last official message about my son since he left our home at the end of September 2009,” she said, adding that local authorities had prevented her from visiting her son in jail.

“I don’t know what the families of the other detainees have encountered, but what I'm wondering is how can a government jail its citizens for so long without the knowledge of their families ...?"

“I don’t know whether a trial was in fact held and when or where it was held and whether my son was able to hire a lawyer," she said.

"What I can do to rectify this injustice?,” Aytursun asked.

Unknown

The jail terms of 15 other Uyghurs deported to China were not known.

Uyghur exile groups criticized the Chinese authorities for consistently refusing to provide information on the whereabouts and legal status of the jailed Uyghurs.

They said Beijing had assured the international community that the deported Uyghurs would be dealt with transparently upon their return.

The World Uyghur Congress (WUC) said it condemned the sentences in the "harshest possible terms" and said it was concerned that "the other Uyghurs forcibly returned from Cambodia are suffering the same fate."

“We have highlighted again and again, before the international community, that Uyghurs forcibly returned to China are in extreme risk of torture, detention and enforced disappearance, and [the three cases that were cited] prove once again that our fears are well-founded," World Uyghur Congress President and Uyghur human rights activist Rebiya Kadeer said.

"We call once again on international governments to pressure the Chinese authorities to immediately disclose the whereabouts of all the extradited Uyghurs and to provide the charges, if any, that have been made against them,” she said.

The Uyghurs had fled from China in small groups between May and October 2009 and had applied to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) for refugee status in Phnom Penh.

Their cases were still under review when they were forcibly returned to China.

A UNHCR official had said then that in his 30-year history in UNHCR, this was the most flagrant violation of the 1951 Convention on Refugees he had experienced.

'Wake-up call'

“The imprisonment of these men, who were forcefully deported from a place of refuge, should serve as a wake-up call to the world about the brutal treatment awaiting Uyghur asylum seekers who are sent back to China," said Uyghur American Association (UAA)President Alim Seytoff.

"The Uyghurs in Cambodia were sent back to the very repression they were attempting to flee. We cannot allow the long arm of Chinese pressure to govern the treatment of Uyghur asylum seekers in other countries.”

Reported by Shohret Hoshur for RFA's Uyghur service. Translated by Shohret Hoshur. Written in English by Parameswaran Ponnudurai.