Thursday, December 29, 2011

江棋生:重温哈维尔 实名说真话

     (博讯 boxun.com)
    10天之前的2011年12月18日,公民瓦茨拉夫·哈维尔安详地辞世了。作为一名信守自己的认知与良知的思想家和实践家,哈维尔的思考和实践对改变和终结东欧后极权主义有着难以替代的意义;而他留下的精神资源和政治遗产,对当代中国社会的觉醒和前行,更有着不可多得的启迪和推动作用。
   
    30多年前,后极权制度下的捷克斯洛伐克民众生活在谎言和恐惧之中,请看哈维尔对此所作的真切描述:
   
    
   
    中学老师讲授他自己并不相信的东西,因为恐惧自己的前途不稳,恐惧丢失自己的饭碗;学生则跟在老师后面重复他的说教,因为恐惧不被允许继续自己的学业;……由于恐惧说“不”会带来的后果,导致人们参加选举,给(官方)推荐的候选人投赞成票,并且假装认为这种形同虚设的走过场是真正的选举。出于对生计、地位或者前程的恐惧,人们投票赞成每一项决议,或者至少保持沉默。
   
    
   
    这种活法憋屈、窝囊,这种现实畸形、荒诞。哈维尔认为,这一切必须改变。那么,如何改变?哈维尔给出的答案简单素朴,但不同凡响,直指人心。他既不主张等待本国的救世主出现或外国的救世主降临,也不主张设法撤离无道之邦,而是坚决主张:就在后极权制度之下改变自己的活法,做一个说真话的人,让自己生活在真实中。哈维尔认定,人们以良知激发勇气,勇气驱赶恐惧,就能够挺起腰杆,换一种活法。不过他同时强调,每个人都应该以自己认为合适的方式去“干”,承担相应的风险,担负自己的责任。换言之,哈维尔具有这样一种睿智的洞察和坚定的信念:后极权社会中的每个人都能凭良心说真话、做实事,每个人都应当也可以成为有姓名、有个性、有责任、有尊严的人。这样的民众,不仅可以使后极权机器运转不下去,也将会有力地支撑建立在道德和责任之上的民主政治的健康运行。
   
    
   
    今天,依然生活在后极权社会中的中国人,在洞悉生存意义的先知哈维尔驾鹤远行的时候,什么才是寄托我们的哀思、表达我们追念和崇敬之情的最好方式呢?我以为,最好的方式当是:重温哈维尔的核心主张,倾听哈维尔的智慧声音,并努力践行之。
   
    
   
    当下中国,不少人已经敢于、也已习惯于匿名说真话。与匿名也不敢说真话的极权时代相比,这无疑是一种人性的舒展、活法的改变和社会的进步。我完全相信,在网上匿名说真话的人,其实是很想真名实姓站出来说真话的,只是他们担心实名言说会较快惹上麻烦,甚至遭至打压,因此才来个“后台匿名,前台昵称”。虽然从根本上说,匿名说真话并不保险,但是我很能理解他们的考量:某条言论被查证、落实到真身头上,毕竟费用高、代价大,因此相对实名说真话,匿名言说自然安全性高一些,腾挪空间大一些。
   
    
   
    从匿名说真话到实名说真话,尚有一步之遥。这一步,是跨,还是不跨?是现在就跨,还是明天再说,或竟等到“有朝一日”?倘若听哈维尔的,信哈维尔的,那就是跨,就是不再纠结、不再等待,今天就跨。这个跨就是自我要求,自激勇气,亮明真身,说出真话。从舒展人性、改变活法的意义上,跨一步天宽地阔。跨出这一步之后,所谓微博实名制还是问题么?跨出这一步之后,微博实名制这只河蟹又能起什么悲催和震慑作用?!对已经想清楚什么是无权者的权力,并决意生活在真实中的人来说,你不实名我还实名呢,因此面对实名制就自有一份坦然和淡定,甚至还会有一种正合吾意的心动和欣然。更不用说,实名制还将使马甲等身、见利忘义的五毛党和各路水军、僵尸粉一样,日子越来越难过。顺便说一句,在纸媒体和电子刊物上用笔名发表东西的作者,他们在后台都是报了实名的,否则便拿不到稿费了。那么,微博实名制或网络实名制有其软肋或死穴吗?有,那就是用户个人信息的安全问题。我以为,微博实名制的存废,恐怕将仅仅取决于用户信息是否不被泄露、不受侵犯。
   
    
   
    从匿名说真话到实名说真话,是一种质的飞跃。不过,同样是实名实说,还有一个勇气大小、代价轻重的问题。秉持“宁鸣而死,不默而生”信条的高风亮节之士,在任何民族中都是极少数。甘冒坐牢风险说出真话冲击言禁的人,在任何民族中也都是少数。四川的陈卫先生,他在看守所里毫不奢望当局会和他“良性互动”,他想到的是当局的恶性打压,会判他9年有期徒刑。他的态度是“求仁得仁”,为了寻求和实现生命的意义,他愿意付出这样的代价。贵州的陈西先生因言获罪,于2011年12月26日被当局判处有期徒刑10年。而在这之前,陈西先生已经在后极权的铁窗之中度过了13个春夏秋冬。在法庭上,陈西先生宣告自己无罪,并申明“不再上诉”,不想陪他们再玩一场司法的把戏了。不必讳言,对大多数人来说,难以做到像陈卫先生和陈西先生那样,充分行使自己的言论自由权,直言不讳地批判后极权统治的根本弊端,鲜明表达对人类普世价值的认同和追求。然而,他们依然可以有所作为。他们能做的,是有一分勇气说一分话,有几分勇气说几分话;无论是在墙外还是墙内,网上还是网下,说出自己想说和敢说的真话,承担相应的风险,负起能负的责任,以自己认为合适的方式,缩小苟活的份额,提升生命的质量,活出应有的尊严。
   
    
   
    实名说真话,出自平凡的良心,具有内在的穿透力、感召力和呼唤力。一部分人率先这么做了,必将唤起更多的人也这么去做。这个硬道理,不会只在捷克管用,世界上的其它地方就不好使。我深信,中华大地上实名说真话的人愈多,靠恐惧、谎言和收买来维护统治的人就愈不好混,超稳定的改朝换代模式就愈难延伸下去,今后的宪政民主制度就愈能获得坚实的支撑。
   
    
   
    2011 年12月28日 于
   
    北京家中
   

香港明报评选2011中国十大囚徒

   
    自由亚洲电台2011-12-29报导
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    中国大陆当局长期将政治罪名刑事化,不承认自己有政治犯,但事实上政治囚犯不仅大量存在,而且一直引起海外的关注。香港明报世纪版在2011年末评选出中国十大囚徒,刘晓波,胡佳,黄琦等广为外界关注的政治囚徒榜上有名,而有评论人士认为,中国政治囚徒为数众多,未被关注者处境更加艰难。
   
    明报世纪版12月28日评出2011年中国十大囚徒,胡佳,秦永敏,许志永,陈光诚,艾未未,冉云飞,赵连海,黄琦,刘贤斌以及刘晓波夫妇在列。
    
    北京艾滋病维权人士胡佳2007年12月被国保逮捕,第二年4月被以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”判处有期徒刑3年半。于今年6月26日刑满出狱,他无论被捕前和被释放后都被当局严密监控。
   
    因组织中国民主党而被判重刑的湖北异见人士秦永敏于1998年被逮捕,并以颠覆国家政权罪判刑12年,2010年11月刑满释放后一直备受监控,多次被传讯,连会见他的人士也被警告、威胁或限制人身自由。
    
    山东维权盲人律师陈光诚自出狱以来被警方监视居住,当局还对其妻子甚至5岁女儿也严厉看管,当地保安人员把陈光诚家所在的东古师村庄变成了一个禁地。他们在村边巡逻,不让外人接近,很多探望者被拦阻甚至失踪。
    
    去年获得诺贝尔和平奖的刘晓波2008年主持起草《零八宪章》,提出“取消一党垄断执政特权”等多项主张,同年12月8日被捕。2009年圣诞节当天,刘晓波在北京以“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”判刑11年,目前在辽宁锦州监狱服刑。有消息称,当局至今仍未放宽对刘晓波妻子刘霞监视,外界至今仍无法与刘霞取得联系。
    
    而因揭露豆腐渣工程被判刑三年的“六四”天网负责人黄琦自1999年创办天网以来不断受到打压,11年间被当局两次抓捕入狱,共判刑8年,他于 2011年6月10日刑满获释回家,但黄琦一直没有放弃为弱势群体维权,哪怕身患重病并被当局警告再次入狱也在所不辞。
    
    黄琦周四对本台表示:“一方面我们感到自豪,虽然招打击,前仆后继付出了那么大的牺牲和努力,但海内外的朋友还是如此的关心我们,所以我们真的是很感谢大家,当然我们希望当局能够采取更加和谐的政策,在民权的道路上我们大家共同走向未来。另一方面来说,我们觉得很悲哀,胡温当政那么久以来,在中国大陆还有那么多的朋友因为追求人权和民主而招到当局的构陷,还有那么多的政治犯朋友在监狱里,所以我们觉得以后的人权之路还是任重而道远。”
    
    网上对十大囚徒的评选议论也很热烈,有网友在海外多维网上留言说“被极权集团囚禁的中华民族10大良心”。也有网友表示“共产党眼中的囚徒,人民心中的英雄” 。
    
    周三的明报世纪版写道:评出的十人,不是中国第一个政治犯,相信也不会是中国最后一个政治犯。但希望在不远的将来,中国的监狱里,不再有因「煽动颠覆国家政权」等罪名而被判刑的犯人。
    
    而网上活跃人士刘逸明表示,中国政治囚徒为数众多,未被关注者处境更加艰难。
   
    他说:“这些囚徒应该来说是知名度比较高,受关注的,外界对他们的声援力度都很大,在中国的监狱当中政治犯是数不胜数,每个囚徒都有他自己的特点,我觉得应该评选其他的未被关注的囚徒,可以发动很多读者对他们进行援助,杨天水已经坐过十年牢,又判十二年,还有齐崇淮这个人是该关注的,还有中国泛蓝联盟的孙不二几年前就被判刑六年,还有武汉的李铁已经开了庭没有宣判,(浙江民主党)朱虞夫等,在中国的监狱里还有一些不为外界所熟悉的良心犯,因为他们与外界联系很少,他自己在网上发的东西,被偷偷的抓走,这种情况是绝对有的。”

新疆公安与维人交火共死伤13人 官称暴徒胁持人质公安两死伤

   
    自由亚洲电台2011-12-29报导
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    新疆和田周三发生公安与维吾尔族人交火,当局定性为“暴力恐怖”事件。新疆自治区党委外宣办周四称,有两人被胁持,歹徒拒捕,杀害一名公安,另一名公安受伤,警方当场击毙七名疑犯,击伤四人,并拘捕四人。当地维族人周四告诉本台,被击毙的都是维吾尔人,并称,一名县公安局副局长被作为人质杀死,该县公安拒绝证实。
   
    今年7月18日和田市一派出所发生公安与维族人开枪互射,本周三晚间,和田再次发生交火事件。新华社星期四引述新疆党委外宣办透露:12月28日23时许,在新疆皮山县南部山区,一暴力恐怖团伙劫持两名人质,公安机关根据群众举报,立即出警解救人质。
   
    在处置过程中,暴徒拒捕行凶,杀害一名公安干警,致一名干警受伤。公安干警当场击毙暴徒7人,击伤4人,抓捕4人。两名人质获救。不过公安没有提及细节和对方种族。
   
    总部在德国的世界维吾尔代表大会发言人迪里夏提周四接受本台采访时,批评官方的报道。
   
    “中国官方的报道指控是令人根本无法接受,发生的事件完全是一方发生的冲突,发生冲突的时间是晚上9点,是当地时间。中国的武装人员是公开开枪处决维吾尔人,被打死7人,重伤3人,轻伤是4人,而且皮山县对有关死亡的数据有各种说法。”
   
    他说,事发后,当局封锁进出县城的主要路口,而且还在伤者入住的医院加强戒备,同时要求医院不得就此对外发布任何消息。
   
    “从事件发生到今天皮山县是被封锁了,而且在整个城市当中到处在抓捕维吾尔人,有众多的维吾尔青年被强制性失踪和关押。”
   
    皮山县位于新疆南部,塔克拉玛干大沙漠南缘。西同叶城县相连,南与印度、巴基斯坦在克什米尔的实际控制区交界。
   
    一位近期到过和田的新疆居民告诉本台:“和田官方统计数据就是(百分之)九十六点多是维族人,汉族人比例很少。我去和田的时候看到一路上基本上没见过汉族。到和田市有一些汉族,集中在和田市,下面的那些郊区县和农村基本上都是维族人,(交火的)应该是维族人。他应该是有政策的,如果他定性为恐怖份子的话,他就可以开枪杀死。”
   
    记者多次致电新疆党委外宣办,但无人接听,于是致电皮山县公安局办公室询问。
   
    记者:昨天是不是两名公安干警被袭击?
   
    回答:我不知道。
   
    记者:劫持人质的是什么民族?
   
    回答:不知道。
   
    记者:但是这个事情发生在你们县内啊!
   
    回答:县内。别人知道,我不知道。
   
    当地一位维族人告诉记者,他也听到相关消息,又指被打死的都是维族人,而其中一名人质是县公安局副局长。
   
    记者:今天听说了。
   
    记者:被打死的是什么人?是汉族还是维吾尔族?
   
    回答:维吾尔族,都是些恐怖份子。
   
    记者:被打死的都是维吾尔族?
   
    回答:嗯。
   
    记者:你们当地媒体报道了吗?
   
    回答:当地媒体,县里报道死的是公安局的一个副局长。他们想杀死那个人质。
   
    记者:他们是真的劫持人质吗?
   
    回答:我们不清楚。
   
    官方报道在新疆的网络论坛也有转载,在“丝路新人”论坛,一位网民写道,据驻地特警透露,和田地区,抓获部分杀人抢劫犯。劝告各位晚上少出门,下班以后没事赶紧回家。
   
    星期四上午,乌鲁木齐的互联网论坛亚心社区,突然无法登陆,网民张先生说:“亚心网昨天晚上可以登录,然后今天听到这个消息以后想到亚心网上看一下有没有相关消息,结果亚心网打不开,点击的时候他提示说是只有特定用户可以访问。”
   
    2008年7月5日,新疆首府乌鲁木齐发生的民族冲突,导致近200人死亡。“七.五事件”后,境内暴力事件频发,今年7月,新疆连续发生多起暴力袭击和爆炸事件,造成数十人死伤。
   
    迪里夏提表示:“北京如果希望避免再发生冲突的话,(需要)公开保障和保证维吾尔人能拥有利用和平的方式来进行抗争,如果中国继续阻止和限制维吾尔人和平方式抗争,那么导致的就是这种冲突。”

广东一公安局长受贿200万 下属成提款机

   
    李天福昨在东莞中院受审。
    广东一公安局长受贿200万 下属成提款机

    中评社北京12月29日电 根据检方的指控,曾经担任信宜市公安局局长及高州市公安局局长的李天福,无疑把公安局和大批下属当成了他个人的“取款机”。昨日,茂名市公安局原副局长李天福因涉嫌贪污、受贿、行贿在东莞市中级人民法院受审。
   
    据新快报报道,李天福案发前是广东省茂名市公安局原副局长,因涉嫌行贿罪于2011年2月26日被刑事拘留,3月12日被逮捕。检方以贪污罪、受贿罪、行贿罪对李天福提起公诉。
   
    本单位和下属公司 局长大人都伸黑手
   
    公诉方起诉称,2002年至2009年期间,逢春节、中秋节,李天福先后利用其担任信宜市公安局局长及高州市公安局局长的职务便利,以出差办事或请客送礼为由,指示下属干警从本单位套取公款供个人使用,其中中秋节套用人民币10万元、春节套用人民币20万元,累计套用公款人民币210万元。
   
    此外,2007年,李天福还利用担任信宜市公安局局长的职务便利,指示下属干警从信宜市公安局下属公司,即信宜市新隆摩托车驾驶培训公司和信宜市荣利机动车检测公司套取公款人民币30万元,供个人使用。事后,李天福自己提供或指示下属寻找发票将对应账目做平。截至案发,上述240万元公款已由李天福使用殆尽。
   
    下属干警14人行贿 职位升迁获得关照
   
    同期,李天福利用职务便利,收受下属干警黎禹江等十四人贿赂累计人民币172.28万元、港币10万元、美元15万元,并在职位升迁、岗位调整等方面为上述人员谋取利益。
   
    此外,2003年至2011年期间,李天福还收受社会人员徐某等九人贿赂累计人民币247.5万元、港币5万元以及价值人民币10万元的佳美小汽车一辆,并在工程建设、行政执法等方面为上述人员谋取利益。
   
    买官内幕
   
    争茂名公安局副局长 前后十次送钱给局长

   
    检方起诉称,为在工作和仕途升迁中获得时任茂名市委常委、政法委书记兼公安局局长的倪俊雄(另案处理)的关照,2005年至2009年春节及中秋节期间,被告人李天福分十次将人民币20万元送给倪俊雄。2007年上半年,李天福请倪俊雄吃饭,并送给倪港币10万元。倪俊雄收受上述财物后,帮助李天福从信宜公安局调到高州公安局任局长。据悉,2006年春节期间,茂名市公安局原刑警支队长程彬为谋求茂名市公安局副局长职位,在广州一家酒店请倪俊雄夫妇吃饭,饭后送给倪一个大纸袋,内有50万元港币和一些贵重物品。2008年6月,程彬见事情还没动静,又用一个档案袋装了30万港币送到了倪俊雄办公室。但很快这袋钱被退了回来。程彬预感事情没戏了,恼怒之余,还利用职业优势当即在倪俊雄退回的钱袋上拍照取指纹留下证据。事后,结果是高州市公安局原局长李天福被任命为茂名市公安局党委委员、副局长,因为李天福不仅给倪俊雄送了钱,还有原茂名市委主要领导亲自“关心”。最后,程、李都因经济犯罪被捕入狱。
   
    案发后,被告人李天福主动配合侦查工作,如实交代侦查机关尚未掌握的贪污及受贿事实。
   
    庭审直击
   
    李天福当庭翻供 称大部分指控不实

   
    “我认为大部分(指控内容)都不属实,贪污公款的指控大部分不实,那些钱花掉之后,我都将发票陆续地拿回单位平账,并不是花在我私人身上;行贿是事实;逢年过节确实收过红包,但并没有指控的那么多,并不是我收了谁(下属)的钱就提拔谁,这不是我个人能决定的。”昨日庭审上,李天福当庭翻供,称此前在接受检察机关调查时,4天3夜的连续审讯,又不让睡觉,加上自己身体不好,为了早点得到休息,他被迫承认了一些问题。并称之前的供词是检方非法取得的,不具效用。他推翻此前供认的大部分指控内容。
    
    检方答辩称,获取供词程序合法,有整个过程的监控录像为证,并当庭播放了视频。其它犯罪事实,也有相应证据为证。由于案情复杂,庭审从昨日上午开始,除中午1小时午餐外,一直持续到记者截稿时还没有结束。
   
    该案仍在进一步审理中。
   
    李天福档案
   
    李天福,男,1962年5月25日出生,汉族,硕士研究生,广东省茂名市公安局原副局长,因涉嫌行贿罪于2011年2月26日被刑事拘留,同年3月12日被逮捕。检察机关以被告人李天福涉嫌贪污罪、受贿罪、行贿罪,于2011年7月19日移送审查起诉。2011年9月2日,案件退回补充侦查后重新移送审查起诉。

蒙牛股价暴跌网站被黑 质总被责隐瞒拖延公布

   
    自由亚洲电台2011-12-29报导
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    蒙牛回应毒奶因变质奶牛饲料所致,民众表示难以接受,蒙牛香港股价全天放量暴跌,而国家质检总局更被揭露曾隐瞒事实拖延一个月才公布。蒙牛公司自身,可能更早就知情。黑客攻击蒙牛网站责问良心何在。
   
    蒙牛的纯牛奶中检出“黄曲霉素”强致癌物质,导致其股价周三曾下跌超过26%至19.46元,创2008年九月二十三日以来单日最大跌幅,一天内市值蒸发111.19亿元。
   
    本台记者星期四致电蒙牛企业询问。
   
    记者:我想问一下最近蒙牛牛奶出问题的事,你们说那个是变质奶牛饲料所致,但是这样还是没有办法让消费者放心。
   
    接听人员:是这样的,它只是针对眉山工厂生产的,10月18号生产的两百五十毫升的纯奶有问题,其他牛奶是没有问题的。
   
    记者:但是如果不是国家质检局抽检的话,你们自己也不知道有问题吗?
   
    接听人员:我们的产品是只有这个日期的产品有问题,其他的是没有问题的。
   
    记者:如果不是质监局抽检,你们自己也不知道自己有问题不是吗?
   
    接听人员:这个我们自己也在检测,只是由于原本的奶质检出现了工作上的失误,导致这个牛奶没有检出,我们一直都在检测这项指标。
   
    记者:怎么样才能让消费者放心一点呢?
   
    接听人员:这个我向相关部门反映下。
   
    记者:也就是说你们目前也没有一道具体的政策、措施或者办法?
   
    接听人员:目前我们这里还没有接到。
   
    对于牛奶含致癌物是因奶牛饲料变质所引起的此番解释,民众普遍不接受。
   
    网民大Q说:“明显看出这是一个不负责任的公司表现,责任还不是推到牛身上,而是直接栽赃给草,这饲料草可多无辜。”
   
    而据周三大陆媒体揭露,国家质检总局早于上月底已知检测结果,卻拖延一个月才公布。蒙牛公司可能更早就知情,卻也未主动公开。
   
    网络中抵制蒙牛的呼声更为高涨,本台记者星期四在新浪微博搜索#抵制蒙牛#该标签出现相关消息超过13万,腾讯微博则接近3万条。
    
    结石宝宝家长相庆玉告诉本台记者:“当时毒奶粉的时候是奶农的责任,现在是饲料的责任,他们一次次这样推脱,从来都不检讨自己的责任,不管从企业来说还是监管部门来说,其实都是他们的责任,他们这样推脱,明白的人都知道,企业的利益在监管部门的眼里是凌驾于群众身体健康之上的。”
    
    星期三晚间11点左右蒙牛乳业网站受到黑客攻击,一个自称SIT小组的黑客组织表示为此次事件负责,该黑客组织在网站中留言表示:“我们是一家人,你却自己坑害自己家人。你有良心么?今天原材料不合格,明天致癌,这就是你们蒙牛给我们留下的造福人类的东西对么?”
   
    网络技术专家龙威廉向本台表示:“一个黑客小组,可能网站有些漏洞,可以通过漏洞修改网站。”
   
    记者:这个黑客应该是民间的吧?
   
    龙威廉:对,如果是一般网站上有漏洞黑客容易通过扫描器进行攻击。
   
    星期三晚上不到十分钟的时间,网站方面停止了对域名的解析,界面则不能显示,本台记者星期四再次查阅发现已恢复正常浏览,但蒙牛方面未对遭黑客攻击一事发表说明。

广东出入境数据泄密 官网质疑微博实名制

   
     来源:参与 作者:大风
   
    (参与2011年12月29日)继CSDN、天涯、网易、京东商城、民生银行、交通银行、淘宝支付宝之后,广东省公安厅出入境政务服务网网上申请数据也被泄露,涉及444万公民,泄密的信息有编号、真实姓名、护照号码/港澳通行证号码、申请日期、状态,点击记录进入详细页面,更可以看到该用户的出生年月、邮寄地址、邮编、电话、证件有效期、出境事由等信息。
   
   
    广东出入境数据泄密 官网质疑微博实名制

    广东出入境数据泄密 官网质疑微博实名制

   
   
    对此,广州网在微博上质疑微博实名制,“【广东省公安厅出入境政务服务网网上申请数据泄露】几乎全部提交网上申请用户的真是姓名、护照号码、港澳通行证号码遭到泄密,目前该漏洞还没有修复。连政府的网上服务都如此,微博还要搞什么实名制吗?岂不是把所有用户信息都送给不法分子了?”

Wednesday, December 28, 2011

Quake Parents Plan March

2011-12-28
They hope to win compensation from Chinese authorities for the loss of their loved ones.
AFP
A Chinese woman mourns for family members who died in the 2008 Sichuan earthquake, May 12, 2010.
Parents whose children died in collapsed school buildings during the 2008 Sichuan earthquake said on Wednesday they would march to government buildings in the provincial capital to call for compensation over the loss of their children.

"We are planning to go to Chengdu tomorrow to demand from the authorities that they pay compensation to us from the schools' insurance,"  said Li Yan, a bereaved mother from the Sichuan township of Mianzhu, one of those worst-hit by the devastating quake.

"There will probably be more people than in the last protest ... perhaps around 1,000 people," she said.

She said the parents of some other Mianzhu schools had won compensation payments from the schools' insurance policies of 50,000 yuan following a long and bitter battle with officialdom.

"We heard that they had been awarded [compensation] over in Dujiangyan, and then we heard that Yingxiu had also got it," Li said. "Then there was Beichuan [county]. They had to make the same sort of fuss that we made before they were given it."

"They haven't replied to our demands yet."

Persistence pays off

Parents of thousands of schoolchildren killed in the earthquake have been harassed and detained by police after they tried to sue the government over allegations of shoddy construction in local schools, and lawyers across China were warned not to take any cases.

But Sichuan-based rights activist Huang Qi said the parents' persistence had paid off when they switched their campaign from demands for a public enquiry to economic compensation for the loss of their children.

"Recently in mainland China, we have seen that mass incidents on the part of ordinary people in second and third-tier cities and surrounding villages in pursuit of their rights have been spreading like a prairie fire," said Huang, who founded the Tianwang rights website.

"We hope that the Chinese Communist Party will find a way to change a whole range of its policies affecting rural communities," he said.

"[They should] allow the farmers to become the masters of their own land, and protect their most basic rights and interests in order to avoid the situation from worsening and spreading [out of control]."

Land grab protest


Elsewhere in Sichuan, local residents angry over land-grabs by their government blocked an airport expressway in Dazhou city on Tuesday,
eyewitnesses said.

"There were people who had blocked the road ... who were demanding money in compensation for their land which had been taken over by a property developer," said a resident of Heshi township surnamed Yin.

"I'd guess there were around 100-200 people, with about 300 bystanders."

Huang said such protests were common in the area. "The police ... told me that in reporting such incidents on the Internet, I was tarnishing the image of our country," he said.

He said large numbers of incidents like the one in Dazhou went unreported across China, "because of the lack of free flow of information."

China's top security official Zhou Yongkang warned earlier this month that the government will need ways to manage growing social unrest amid harder times for many ordinary Chinese.

Zhou said on Friday that the authorities need to improve their system of "social management," including increasing "community-level" manpower.

A rebellious stand-off by residents of the southern Guangdong village of Wukan this month was resolved when provincial officials led a team that negotiated with the villagers, who relinquished after winning a number of concessions.

Reported by Qiao Long for RFA's Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

Veteran Guizhou Activist Chen Xi Sentenced to Ten Years

2011-12-26
On the morning of December 26, the Guiyang Municipal Intermediate People’s Court of Guizhou Province sentenced veteran dissident and human rights activist Chen Xi (陈西), to ten years prison and three years’ deprivation of political right for “inciting subversion of state power.” This heavy sentence follows the nine-year term imposed on Sichuan dissident Chen Wei (陈卫) three days ago. Chen Xi insists on his innocence but will not appeal.
Chen Xi’s wife, Zhang Qunxuan (张群选), told Human Rights in China, “The court hearing started at 9 a.m. and concluded by 12:30 p.m. The prosecution against Chen Xi was based upon his publication of 36 articles overseas. Chen Xi’s lawyers, Sun Guangquan (孙光全) and Bai Min (白敏), defended him on his not-guilty plea. In his self-defense in court, Chen Xi stated, ‘All the activities I have been engaged in are just and honorable, all in the open. Since I was released from prison on 2005, State Security has had communications with me on a weekly basis. They are aware of everything that I have been doing, and everything can be put on the table. So why had the law enforcement [authorities] not pointed out that I was committing a crime?’ When the presiding judge allowed Chen Xi to make his final statement, Chen Xi said, ‘I am a law-abiding person. I respect the court’s decision; I will not appeal.’”
Zhang added, “We made a final request to see Chen Xi, but the presiding judge denied the request. They are really heartless. The prosecution took his writings out of context. Actually, Chen Xi was calling for democracy and human rights. This wish was [his] whole crime!”
 “The Chinese authorities’ ongoing tactic of imprisoning Chinese citizens will not address the deepening social conflicts in China. Instead, it will intensify them,” said Sharon Hom, Executive Director of Human Rights in China. “The march of heavy sentences imposed on democracy activists should be a wake-up call to the international community: China is at a critical crossroads and these activists need effective and immediate support.”
This is Chen Xi’s third prison sentence. During the period of the 1989 Democracy Movement, he was sentenced to three years for establishing the Patriotic and Democratic Federation. After his release, he continued to work for democracy and engage in human rights activities. He was sentenced to another ten years in March 1996 for organizing the Guizhou branch of the China Democracy Party, and pressing for redress for the 1989 crackdown. While in prison, he was beaten savagely and repeatedly by other prisoners reportedly instigated by the prison authorities.
After his release from prison in 2005, Chen Xi and other Guizhou activists established the First Guizhou Citizens International Human Rights Symposium that they subsequently convened on a yearly basis. On this foundation, they formed the Guizhou Human Rights Seminar, a weekly study and discussion session, to promote human rights. On the eve of International Human Rights Day this year, the local authorities banned the seminar as an illegal organization.

Petitioner Held In Mental Hospital

2011-12-28
The case highlights China's use of psychiatric wards to silence dissent.
AFP
Chinese women petitioners kneeling as they cry outside a court in southwest China's Chongqing municipality, May 13, 2010.
A petitioner from the eastern Chinese province of Zhejiang is under house arrest after being locked up against her will in a psychiatric ward for trying to sue a hospital over medical malpractice, activists said this week.

Zhong Yafang was held at Hangzhou Ankang Hospital on Dec. 9 and only released after she threatened to protest to her death, according to Wang Wanxing, founder of the Germany-based European Working Group on Mental Health in China.

"She is currently under a 24-hour guard of six social workers at her home, and she is not allowed to carry out any petitioning with the outside world," Wang said. "Her years of pursuing a complaint against medical malpractice have left her tens of thousands of yuan in debt."

Wang said Zhong's case has highlighted the widespread use of psychiatric institutions by the government as a means to silence those who complain too loudly about official wrongdoing.

Wang was himself incarcerated in a mental hospital for 13 years by the authorities after he called on the government to overturn its official verdict on the 1989 student-led pro-democracy movement in Tiananmen Square.

Diagnosed with "paranoia" and "political monomania" after he unfurled a banner on Tiananmen Square on the third anniversary of the June 4 massacre, Wang was released into exile in Germany following pressure from the international community.

Like Zhong, Wang was also held in an "Ankang" police-backed mental hospital, which exist all over China, and described widespread abuses during his time there, including living alongside patients with violent psychotic disturbances and being force-fed psychoactive drugs.

On his arrival in Germany, Wang was found by two psychiatrists not to be suffering from any mental disorder that could justify admission into a psychiatric hospital.

Malpractice

Zhong, 44, first began petitioning after she was administered radioactive preparations by mistake at the No. 1 Medical College attached to Zhejiang University Hospital in 2006.

Wuhan-based veteran pro-democracy activist Qin Yongmin has also called for international pressure over her detention.

"Qin Yongmin is someone who has been a prisoner of conscience for a very long time in China," Wang said. "He emailed the European Working Group on Mental Health in China after Zhong contacted him begging for help."

"He wanted us to bring Zhong Yafang's case to the attention of the international community," he said.

In October, China's parliament debated a bill outlawing the incarceration of the non-mentally ill in psychiatric hospitals, a tacit admission that similar tactics have been employed by local officials and police in a number of Chinese cities and provinces to silence petitioners and rights activists.

Officials and Chinese media have acknowledged the phenomenon, which is known satirically as "being mentally-illed" by netizens.

Official Chinese media have described Chinese psychiatry as a "medical backwater," saying that the country only has 16,383 psychotherapists and counselors to treat an estimated 16 million mental health patients.

The bill, if passed, will eventually replace the 1985 Mental Health Law, which has been widely criticized for giving wide-ranging powers to  hospitals and doctors while de-emphasizing their duty of care to patients and responsibilities under the law.

In an October 2010 report on the legality of admissions to psychiatric facilities in China, Shenzhen-based rights lawyer Huang Xuetao wrote that in the majority of cases where people were committed to mental hospitals when they have no mental illness, there is a clear interest in keeping them locked up.

The hospitals accept such patients because this earns them money, Huang said.

Wang said the use of psychiatric incarceration meant that China no longer had a system that was capable of enforcing its own laws and protecting the health and safety of its citizens.

Reported by Tian Yi for RFA's Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

Uyghurs Held After House Searches

2011-12-27
The security checks are believed to be part of a 100-day 'strike hard' anti-terror campaign in Xinjiang.
AFP
Chinese security forces train to quell riots in Urumqi, April 1, 2011.

Authorities in China's troubled northwestern Xinjiang region have stepped up security checks on citizens, an overseas rights group said on Tuesday, as at least five ethnic minority Uyghurs are detained for possession of material deemed subversive by Beijing.

Dilxat Raxit, spokesman for the Munich-based World Uyghur Congress, said the tightened measures had begun last week in the regional capital Urumqi, but had also been reported in the south of the region, where police were carrying out house searches in the middle of the night.

"In the Aksu district there were some Uyghurs who were discovered in possession of photographs of [exiled Uyghur leader] Rebiya Kadeer and former U.S. president George W. Bush on their computers," Raxit said. "They were detained."

"In Yangtakexiehaier village, the police organized nearly 60 people to search more than 200 Uyghur households on Dec. 20," he added. "Some of the methods they used were violent."

He said police had confiscated computers from the home of at least one villager, Azmet Sadik, and had discovered "religious propaganda materials" at the home of another, Yifu Halili.

"They included books and disks explaining to people how to conduct [Islamic] prayers," Raxit said. "The two men are currently being held in the local police station."

The searches are believed to be part of a 100-day "strike hard"
anti-terror campaign in Xinjiang, begun by the Chinese authorities three weeks ago.

Four Uyghur men were detained recently in Urumqi for "taking part in illegal religious activities," while dozens were fined, Raxit said.

China's Muslim Uyghurs, a Turkic-speaking ethnic minority that has long chafed under Beijing's rule, have their practice of Islam tightly regulated by the ruling Communist Party, which bans children from mosques and controls everything about their worship, from the wording of sermons to "approved" interpretations of the Quran.

According to the authorities, study of the Quran in an unauthorized location constitutes an "illegal religious activity."

'Huge operation'

Raxit said raids had also taken place in Urumqi, which was rocked by ethnic violence in July 2009 that left nearly 200 people dead, according to official figures.

"There was a huge operation in Urumqi on Saturday," he said. "This was mostly focused on the close-packed Uyghur districts on the outskirts of the city."

Xinjiang's regional ruling Communist Party secretary Zhang Chunxian, who was brought in as a hardline "new broom" following the 2009 violence, said last week that his government would be stepping up measures to "preserve social stability" during 2012, when the party holds its 18th Congress, and Urumqi will host another Eurasian Expo.

The Xinjiang Daily quoted Zhang as calling on regional officials to make a watchful security stance the norm rather than the exception.

"Officials at all levels must harden their stance on opposing splittism and stepping up their crackdown on extremist religious forces and their activities," Zhang told a meeting on stability and security at the weekend.

An Urumqi resident surnamed Zhang said the citizens' security brigades that were recruited from among the Han population in the wake of the 2009 unrest were still very much in evidence.

"There are still a lot of security personnel and employees wearing red armbands in the underground markets and malls," he said.

"Some are uniformed [private] security guards, while others are employees wearing red armbands."

Since the raids in Aksu last week, three more Uyghur men have been detained in continuing raids on Uyghur homes, Raxit said.

"They are accused of possessing reactionary, splittist reading materials," he said.

'Religious content'

A police officer who answered the phone at the village police station confirmed the raids had taken place.

"Yes, that's right," the officer said, when asked if police there had recently confiscated "illegal" religious recordings and DVDs. "Mostly it was religious content, but there was also some pornography, along with other things that have been banned now," the officer said.

Asked if the confiscated material included media of Rebiya Kadeer, he said: "Yes, there were pictures of Rebiya Kadeer, as well as audiovisual material, which basically means stuff on DVD. She is subversive and a splittist."

But he declined to confirm how many Uyghurs were being held. "I'm not very familiar with the details, because things change daily from shift to shift," he said.

He said Uyghurs found with such material would receive different treatment "depending on the circumstances."

"We would have to see what they had been found with, the things that we found, and also the things that the state security police found," he said. "The more serious cases [will get criminal detention]...then we get in touch with the religious affairs bureau and we work on some of the process together."

Official media say Beijing wants to turn Urumqi into an important exchange platform for leaders and businesses in China and its western and southern neighbors, including Russia, Kazakhstan, and Pakistan.

But some experts believe Beijing's rapid development of Xinjiang, which they say has created more opportunities for Han Chinese than for the local Uyghur population, is leading to additional ethnic tension in the region.

Last year, Beijing ramped up security before and during for the five-day China-Eurasia Expo trade fair in Urumqi. The added security measures came in the wake of separate attacks in the Silk Road cities of Kashgar and Hotan that killed more than 30 people in July.

Reported by Qiao Long for RFA's Mandarin service and Hai Nan for the Cantonese service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

Tibetan Protest 'Ringleader' Jailed

2011-12-27
Chinese authorities throw an ex-monk into jail for leading protests against Beijing's rule in Tibet in 2008.
AFP
Chinese soldiers stand guard outside a burnt building after violent protests in the Tibetan capital Lhasa, March 15, 2008.
A Tibetan who was among leaders of protests against Chinese rule in 2008 has been ordered jailed for five years by a Chinese court in restive Ngaba (in Chinese, Aba) in eastern Tibet, according to exile sources.

It was not known under what charges Tsering, 26, a native of Raru village in Ngaba prefecture's Cha township in Sichuan province, was convicted by the court in Sichuan province a month ago.

"It has been learnt that on Nov. 29, Tsering ... was sentenced to five years by the Ngaba county intermediate peoples court," said monks Losang Yeshe and Kanyag Tsering at Kirti's sister monastery in India.

The Kirti monastery in the Ngaba Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture has been the scene this year of repeated self-immolation protests against rule by Beijing.

Tsering, who became a monk at Kirti from a young age but was disrobed in 2007 and returned to his family in the pastoral area, had participated in protests in the Cha township in March 2008, and then went into hiding to evade arrest, the monks said.

He remained in hiding until around April 2010, when he was arrested from a restaurant in Ngaba town and has been in detention awaiting trial.

"During his time in hiding, police came looking for him many times, saying that he was a ringleader of the Cha protest, and they searched for him throughout the area," the monks said.

Sharing his personal details, they identified Tsering's father as Lori and mother as Chokyong Tso.

Tensions in the Tibet Autonomous Region and in Tibetan-populated areas in China's provinces have not subsided since anti-China riots swept through the Tibetan Plateau in March 2008.

Twelve Tibetans have set themselves on fire this year, protesting against Chinese rule in what rights groups say is a sign of desperation at increased Chinese repression.

Chinese authorities have blamed Tibet's spiritual leader the Dalai Lama for the tense situation, saying he is encouraging the self-immolations, which run contrary to Buddhist teachings.

But the Dalai Lama shot back, blaming China's "ruthless and illogical" policy towards Tibet.

He called on the Chinese government to change its "repressive" policies in Tibet, citing the crackdown on monasteries and policies curtailing use of the Tibetan language.

China Jails Veteran Activist

2011-12-27
The action comes after he eyed nomination in forthcoming elections to district-level legislative bodies.
RFA
Members of the Guizhou Human Rights Forum, in an undated photo. RFA
A court in the southwestern Chinese province of Guizhou has handed a 10-year jail term to a prominent human rights activist for subversion, amid growing concern over a string of lengthy sentences meted out to rights activists in recent days.

Chen Xi was found guilty of "incitement to subvert state power" and sentenced to a decade of imprisonment and three years' deprivation of political rights by the Guizhou Intermediate People's Court, according to an official statement on Monday.

His wife, who gave only her surname Zhang, said the sentence was unjust.

"The judgement was unjust and preposterous," she said. "The lawyer asked them in court why they were only now asking him about things that happened in 2005...why they were only now pursuing these articles he wrote and which they knew about."

"They couldn't answer that," said Zhang, adding that her husband appeared calm as the sentence was read out, and merely repeated his assertion that he was not guilty.

"He said: 'I am a law-abiding citizen and I respect your judgement, but I am innocent. I will not appeal,'" Zhang said.

Zhang said dozens of Guizhou activists were currently being held under house arrest.

"All of us are under house arrest right now," she said.

According to Chen's lawyer Sun Guangquan, the prosecution relied on 36 articles penned by Chen and published online since 2005 as evidence, but Sun's attempt to argue in his defense was repeatedly cut short by officials, as was Chen's own attempt to make a statement.

"No sooner had we submitted our case for the defense, than the judgement came back," Sun said. "[Chen] said in court that he had no plans to appeal—that is his personal decision."

"We have done everything we can...I made my argument in court, and now all we can do is to feel regret."

Controversial

Chen, 57, was detained together with around 10 other fellow members of the controversial Guizhou Human Rights Forum at the end of last month.

Police searched Chen's family home on Oct. 19, after he and fellow rights activist Li Renke decided they would attempt to seek nomination in forthcoming elections to district-level legislative bodies.

Chen was stopped after leaving his community electoral center with a memory stick containing some information from the center's computers.

Officials and police who searched his home at the time said he was suspected of having taken "secret" material from the center's computer systems. Chen's computer and memory stick were also confiscated by police during the raid.

However, Sun said the case against Chen in court had hinged entirely on his online writings, which included essays on advancing political reform and improving human rights in China.

The Guizhou Human Rights Forum has now been banned by the authorities, according to notices issued by local government in early December.

The Forum has been the target of official harassment since it was set up on World Human Rights Day 2005, with members subjected to police surveillance, detention, and house arrest whenever it tries to meet.

Guizhou-based activist Zeng Ning said Chen was highly valued as a member of the Forum, and had always been a pillar of the community.

"He has a sort of spirit that takes people by surprise and a huge amount of moral courage," Zeng said.

"He is also a very committed Christian and he takes life very seriously," he said. "He was once a soldier, and during that time he was a model member of the Communist Party."

"Later, he decided to pursue democracy."

Zeng said he was himself currently under police surveillance at his Guizhou home. "The police downstairs are stopping me from leaving my apartment complex, so I wasn't able to go to the court for the trial."

"It started on around Nov. 28...I can't go anywhere."

Beijing-based political activist Zha Jianguo said he was angry at Chen's sentence. "I protest," Zha said. "But I'm not sad, because this is a sacrifice that we have to make."

He said Chinese activists were experiencing a "long, dark stormy night" since a wave of crackdowns began in the wake of uprisings in the Middle East. "They are stepping up their oppression of pro-democracy activists," Zha said.

Chen's sentence comes just days after the jailing of Sichuan-based dissident Chen Wei and after a Beijing court withdrew a five-year probation handed out to human-rights lawyer Gao Zhisheng, requiring him to begin serving a three-year jail term.

Secret detention

United Nations human rights experts have criticized the moves, in particular the treatment of Gao, which they said was illustrative of a trend of secret detention and disappearances of human rights defenders.

Chen served his first jail term of three years in the wake of the 1989 pro-democracy movement, and another sentence of 10 years for trying to set up the Guizhou branch of the banned opposition China Democracy Party (CDP) in 1998.

Reported by Grace Kei Lai-see for RFA's Cantonese service, and by Xin Yu for the Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

杨恒均:多一点“公知”,中国更有希望

     朋友托我为刚出炉的“2011华人百大公共知识分子”写几句,有些犹豫。去年“百大公知”发布时的前言里引用了我的“五识观”(知识、常识、见识、胆识、赏识),不知道是否以此为标准。我对这种评选并不热心,理由之一就是“公知”的概念不明确,评选标准也不可能准确。就以我的“五识观”来判断,中国这些年涌现的“公知”何止成千上万?区区一百真可谓挂一漏万。
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    但一位网友的留言却让我觉得很有必要写几句。他说,如今在中国大陆,“公知”成贬义词了,几乎和“公共厕所”,甚至“公共情妇”一样,遭到了围观与攻击。
   
    这真是一个神奇的国度,什么事都有可能发生。以前“民主”在中国也是禁词,后来倒是可以说了,但只要不是加上“特色”与“社会主义”等限定词的,还是以贬意为多。并且,总有一些脑残或者五毛拿民主的缺陷试图全盘否定民主,蛊惑人心,但“世界潮流,浩浩荡荡”,即便那些攻击民主的家伙,也不敢说出他们到底拥护什么。这让他们的攻击越来越无力。于是我们看到一个趋势:垂死挣扎的集权专制就释出了最后一招:把搞民主的人抓起来,或者诋毁那些主张民主的人。搞民主的人不能发声,主张民主的人被搞臭了,民主自然就被拒之门外。
   
    这一招显然还有些效果,于是就有人拿来对付“公知们”,“公知们”不愿意加入逆来顺受、跪下赚钱、与权贵共舞、玩弄愚民包二奶的行列,又不埋头在自己的领域为社会主义建设添砖加瓦,偏要越过界,去关心社会,关心时事。这样,自然是会触怒当权者的。可“公知们”关注的是民众的关注,关心的是民众的事,义无反顾,你要从他们的所作所为入手对付他们,还真没有胜算。最好的办法自然是向“公知们”这个群体下手,能够批臭搞倒他们就万事大吉了。
   
    “公知们”关心社会关心时事,但他们也只不过是普通人,得为孩子上学、房子涨价筹谋,为柴米油盐去赚钱,到了菜市场也要讨价还价,甚至和你我一样吵架,一身缺点,大多时间也还是俗人一个,要吃喝拉撒,还要操。但和一般知识分子有所不同的是,他们路见不平时,不会做缩头乌龟,只想着能否升职,是否会得罪领导,而是该出手时就出手,哪怕只是站在远处大喊一声,让社会多了些正义、道义与凛然正气。当今社会如果没有这样一批有良心的公共知识分子,老百姓会更苦,中国的前途更迷茫。
   
    这就是公共知识分子,普普通通的人,又是我们这个社会最需要的。虽然有了“公共”两个字,这些人其实是非常个人的与“自私”的,他们很多时候同主宰了一切的当局,以及乌烟瘴气的现实格格不入,他们最大的优点是保持了一份纯真,拥有些许独立的思想与自由之精神。他们介入公共话题,成为公众人物,也许只是一种个人选择,一份对理想的热情追逐,却顺应了历史大趋势,也符合广大人民最根本的利益。
   
    本人有幸被连续几年评选为“公知”,但说心里话,别说与我认识的很多知识分子老师们相比,就是和不少全国各地以实际行动介入公共事件,传播理念、维护人权、弘扬正义的知识分子相比,我也是应该感到惭愧的。因此,我把当选2011年百大“公知”不仅当成是荣誉,更是一种鞭策。

溫家寶:農民土地權利 無人可奪

大陸新聞組北京28日電
December 28, 2011 06:10 AM | 1568 次 | 0 0 評論 | 4 4 推薦 | 電郵給朋友 | 打印
中央農村工作會議27日在北京舉行,國務院總理溫家寶(中)出席會議並講話。(新華社)
中央農村工作會議27日在北京舉行,國務院總理溫家寶(中)出席會議並講話。(新華社)
slideshow
一年一度的中央農村工作會議27日起在京召開。新華社報導,國務院總理溫家寶出席會議並強調,土地承包經營權、宅基地使用權、集體收益分配權等,是法律賦予農民的合法財產權利,無論他們是否還需要以此作為基本保障,也無論他們是留在農村還是進入城鎮,任何人都無權剝奪。 溫家寶強調,在農村做任何事情,都必須堅守政策和法律底線。溫家寶表示,在農村開展工作,不僅要體現多數人的意願,也要充分考慮少數人的特殊情況和合理要求。要更加重視維護農民在土地、財產、就業、社會保障和公共服務等方面的權益,重視擴大村民自治範圍,改善鄉鎮治理機制,適應不斷提高的農民政治參與意識。
溫家寶表示,目前中國最大的發展差距仍然是城鄉差距,最大的結構性問題仍然是城鄉二元結構。在全面推進農村各項建設中應保持農村特點,同時下大力氣改善農村辦學條件,讓農村孩子共享優質教育資源。報導指出,他特別提到,農村教學點撤併要十分慎重,充分考慮學生上學方便和交通安全。今後一個時期,農村社會保障的總的方向是完善制度、提高水平、逐步併軌,最終邁向城鄉一體化。
溫家寶指出,明年宏觀調控面臨的形勢複雜嚴峻,特別是經濟增長下行壓力和物價上漲壓力並存,做好農業農村工作具有特殊重要的意義。


Read more: 世界新聞網-北美華文新聞、華商資訊 - 溫家寶:農民土地權利 無人可奪

Tuesday, December 27, 2011

『天涯杂谈』 人性的罪恶--读周口警察杀人事件

点击:550  回复:23

作者:huw123  发表日期:2011-12-27 21:53:00
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    3天前,河南周口警察杀人案的被害人李胜利终于被安葬(详见本报12月24日A9版)。7年多来李金花、李艳红姐妹为挽回同胞的尊严,为他讨回公道历尽磨难,其间有人曾对李艳红说,“这个案子破不了是正常的,破了是奇迹。”12月24、25日,李胜利家属跟记者讲述了案件侦破中许多不为人知的故事。
    无形的压力从四面八方逼来
    2004年9月20日,李胜利死在派出所,派出所的说法是“跳楼自杀”。家属看到李胜利时,发现他身上多处伤痕,有只眼睛也成了“熊猫眼”,当下怀疑死因。为申请尸检鉴定,李胜利家人一次又一次上访,奔波在周口、郑州、北京等地。在一次次申请尸检的同时,李胜利家人感到有种无形的压力正从四面八方逼来。
    2004年10月14日,李胜利亲属拿着李胜利一身伤痕的照片来到周口市委门口,没过几分钟几十名防暴警察赶来现场。李妻周影霞先被强行带上警车。在一旁拍照取证的李金花被警察发现后,相机被当场砸到地上,人也被往警车的方向拖。“我越是反抗他们就越使劲拖,上衣都被他们拽掉了。”
    当晚郑州一家电视台赶到周口采访此案,警方才将四人释放。当天在沙南分局找领导反映问题的李胜利父亲,按照警方要求他一一登记了所有家庭成员的姓名、工作单位、电话号码。当时沙南分局的说法是,登记是为有进展后好进行通知。后来李家人发现,警方根据这份名单调查了他家所有亲属的背景。
    不久,公安局领导找妹妹李艳红所在单位领导谈话。“以后不得让李艳红请假外出,否则扣发工资、开除公职,单位的文明评比资格将被取消。”李胜利的案子真相大白后,李艳红的局长对她说,“以前不了解内情,对不起了。”一天,李艳红的爱人去郑州跑案子的事,车刚上高速就接到领导打来的电话,问他是不是要去郑州并让他立即返回。李艳红说那时身上经常揣着4部手机,几个电话卡来回倒着用。
    李艳红最绝望时给周口市的一位老领导打电话反映情况。“你们的电话被公安上监听了,有事到家里来说。”李艳红见到这位老领导后自己还没开口,老领导就对她讲“不用说了,这事我比你清楚,去告他们。”
    幸有陌生贵人相助
    2004年底,李金花、李艳红姐妹俩来到北京信访。姐俩两眼一抹黑没少走冤枉路。直到一天晚上,李艳红姐妹来到国家信访局的门口想先看看位置,免得第二天又跑错地方。过了一会儿,一个年纪大约50多岁正跑步的人从李艳红姐妹身边经过。李艳红再一次下跪。跑步的人停下来问情况。“开始他还不太相信,俺就把大河报的报道又递给他。‘嗯,这可能是真的了,’当时他说了句这话。”此时李艳红才顾上仔细打量了一下眼前的这个人,“跑步没穿运动服,有领导的派头。他让我们明晚还这个时间,到这里找他。”
    第二天晚上回到旅店,李艳红姐妹累得睁不开眼。“但再累也得去,有希望没希望,去了才知道"。姐妹俩又坐上公交车来到国家信访局的门口。不一会儿,李艳红看见昨天的那个人正往这边跑步。他让我们再等他一会儿。等了一会,他回来了,身边还有一个秘书样子的人。“秘书戴着眼镜,看上去有40多岁。”这个人开始好像是在给谁打电话。这中间秘书模样的人跟李艳红姐妹搭了句话,“你们找对人了。”
    这位领导挂断电话后,带着李家姐妹俩来到附近的一个值班室。“他进房间打了几个电话。”李艳红隐约听见这位领导在电话里问另一头的人休息了没有,然后说:“你过来一下,我拦了个闲事。”
    这位领导走出办公室时李艳红跟在他后面出了大门走到街上。没一会,一个三十出头的大个小伙子满头大汗地跑了过来。“这位领导把俺的情况跟小伙子说了,让他第二天按程序帮我把材料递上去。”
    第二天,按照程序,李艳红把材料递交给一个录入员后,李胜利案正式成为了督办案件。
    家属自购偷拍机、微型录音机
    2005年2月,中共中央政治局常委、中央政法委书记罗干对李胜利案作出重要批示,要求严查。3月10日,周口市检察院接到最高检贾春旺检察长关于李胜利坠楼一案的批示,随即成立“9?20”专案组,并将李胜利案由川汇区检察院提办至周口市人民检察院组织侦破,案情开始出现转机。
    时任周口纪委书记的李洪民曾召集市里有关部门和李艳红兄妹一起在周口市委院一楼开会。会上李洪民告诉受害人家属,周口市委为这个案子曾在夜里两点都开过会,并问他们有什么要求都可以提。李胜利家属当即要求由周口市检察院介入调查。不久,周口市检察院反渎职侵权局副局长王万春接手案件。
    但随着时间的推移,与李胜利死亡有关的证据一个个消失。李艳红从一个拍纪录片的朋友手中借来一台偷拍机,又到市场上买了微型录音机。她三天两头往市检察院的专案组跑,询问案件进展情况,实际上也是在监督他们的侦破情况。“那时候他们不知道,我天天背着摄像机去向专案组问进展。”
    随着与“9?20”专案组人员的接触,李胜利的家人发现这是一支真正在认真办案的队伍。李艳红记得,当时在专案组王万春的房间里有两个花盆,一盆是文竹,一盆是冬青。当时派出所称李胜利身上的有些伤痕就是从楼上掉下后砸到这两盆花造成的。可王万春经过研究,觉得其中有些蹊跷,下面的花盆被砸坏,叶子为啥是完好无损的?王万春接手案件后直接把花盆搬到自己办公室里去研究。
    “俺听他们之间说办案经费紧张的时候就自己垫钱办案。”李艳红说。有一次李艳红和爱人在街上碰见了王万春,心直口快的她说了句“听说冷飞是沈丘的,您的老家也是沈丘的?”王万春嗯了一声,还继续和李艳红两口子说了几句话。第二天,李艳红又到渎侦局正局长办公室问案情,正撞见王万春在局长办公室里。“任局长这个案件我不办了,”李艳红这时心里一惊。“为啥不办了?”任局长问。“因为冷飞是沈丘的,俺老家也是沈丘的,为了避嫌,这个案件我不办了,你看再安排别人办得了。”李艳红当时就急得哭了出来,赶紧向王万春道歉。“王局长对不起,我说这话真没有意识,并不是说他家沈丘的,你家也是沈丘的就怀疑你。我从来没有这个想法,就是无意中说的话。”李艳红怎么赔礼道歉,王万春就是不理。
    “王局长人非常正直,但也有脾气有个性,他吵了你过后就忘,就事说事。”李艳红这样评价王万春。“当时案件正有眉目,我担心此时王局长撂挑子后面就难查下去了。”没过几天,李艳红看见王万春又开始在专案组里认真办案,心里别提多高兴了。
    妹妹妹夫曾自摆乌龙
    妹妹李艳红慢慢地像个侦探,“盯梢、画地图,只要能给俺哥洗清冤情啥都敢干。”李艳红说。当时很多证人都被当地公安纳入控制范围,作出伪证,检察院很难下手实施抓捕。七一路派出所的门卫张某就是其中之一。
    2005年夏天,专案组让李艳红找找张的下落。李艳红开始在派出所门口蹲守。她发现这时张某已经有了反侦查能力,张的老婆在派出所门口右侧的店里卖茶叶。下班时两个人总一起回家。张某推着一个自行车驮着一个孩子,另一个孩子让老婆在后面领着。不时,张会装着看路边的广告画灯箱往后面瞅瞅,然后再走一段再扭脸看看。张的住所十分隐蔽,由从原来较远的家中搬出住进了周口师范学校院子里的一个楼房中。在跟踪了两三次后,李艳红把张某住的情况,路程远近,在哪拐弯,都画个图交给专案组的办案人员。
  
    就在检察院决定实施抓捕那天,恰好李艳红和老公又来到周口师范学校盯梢。当时专案组从各县检察院抽调了几十名得力的检察官在师范学校里埋伏好,决定实施抓捕。李艳红的老公不认识这些侦查员,跟着张某就走进院中。这时事先埋伏在院中的侦查员以为李艳红老公是便衣警察,就报告了王万春,说张某的后面有警察保护,“不行连他一起抓。”随后王万春可能意识到这个案件必须慎重,于是下令取消了这次抓捕行动。
    金砖头砸我都砸不倒
    2006年4月6日,“9?20”专案组为李胜利做了第四次尸检。这次尸检不但对李胜利做了身体着地点及受力方向、残留物、死因认定等8项检查,还为给李胜利的全身拍了X光片。这次李胜利的尸检结果中多了一条这样的结论:不排除李胜利系被动坠地死亡之可能。
    不久,李艳红听说,为不重判,冷飞已经把自己的别墅卖了,最多判个十五六年。李艳红听后立马去找王万春,把听来的话向王万春复述了一遍。王万春没立即表态。没多久,李胜利案中的所有犯罪嫌疑人都被抓到。李艳红又见到了王万春。“李艳红你说话伤人心知不知道?”王万春的话让平时快言快语的李艳红有些不知所措。“我说话咋伤人了?”“啥意思你?你说冷飞把别墅都卖了,你怀疑冷飞给俺们送钱了?是我们收他的钱了不是?”“王局长对不起,我说话绝对没这个意思,俺是怕冷飞把这钱花到领导那儿,有领导压着你不让你去办这个案件,俺担心的是这。”王万春缓和了一下语气,“你别太小看我了,这些人他们用金砖头金蛋子砸我都砸不倒。”李艳红回忆,当她听了这话心里踏实许多。
    上天派来一个证人
    在案件的最初侦查阶段,专案组总感觉是在赛跑。他们走到哪就有人跟到哪,他们找到什么人就有人提前也去找这个人。
    “上天派来一个证人,不该李胜利冤死。”王万春后来曾这样对李艳红说。在王万春接手李胜利案的时候,案件已经过去近半年,证据几乎全部被毁。在繁杂的信息中,专案组的侦查员们开始一条一条地找到线索。在一条被派出所故意隐瞒起来的线索中,专案组发现了其中的蛛丝马迹。
    在李胜利死亡当天,110指挥中心接到周口的两名中学生报警,而在七一路派出所的接警记录中却没有这两人的信息。随后专案组经过走访调查,得知其中一名学生已经参军。于是又到部队向这名姓董的学生了解信息。开始董某称自己看到了李胜利跳楼的位置。可当检察官到他当时在七一路派出所所在的位置观看时,却发现根本无法看到李胜利的尸体。经过反反复复几次工作,加上部队首长的教导,在专案组第三次找到董某时,董某的心理防线开始崩溃了。董某又给家里打电话打40分钟,最后他决定说出所有实情。
    他承认自己当时被楼下一个不知道李胜利已被打死的民警安排上楼找办案警察,结果推门进屋后正看到满脸是血的李胜利,几个人正把他往门外抬。当这些人看到董某后又赶紧往回抬。随后他被王海宇带到隔壁办公室并威胁他说:“刚才你看到的听到的如果说出去一个字,你全家小心”。为避免灾祸,董某选择了参军远离周口。后来冷飞被抓,检察官们在他的桑塔纳警车里发现,也有去董某部队的高速公路发票。
    李艳红记得,当她看到了第一本起诉意见书后,高兴地告诉王万春说自己还有个偷拍机,问他们专案组用不用?“李艳红,你太可怕了!”然后举着偷拍机开玩笑地对其他检察官说,“看看,这都是对付咱的”。
    周口警察杀人案案件经过:
    2004年9月20日上午,李胜利被带到七一路派出所后,先是留置在二楼值班室。中午14时许,冷飞安排孟军伟、张伞、许磊、贾学会将李胜利带到七一路派出所三楼一办公室内。中午吕留生宴请派出所的民警在汗牛拉面馆吃饭,其间共喝了3瓶白酒1箱啤酒。酒后回到派出所,李立田、吕留生、冷飞伙同贾学会、孟军伟、张伞、许磊、王海宇对被害人李胜利进行殴打,将李胜利打昏在地。看到李胜利被打得严重时,李立田、吕留生提议将李胜利从楼上扔下去,冷飞说等等。后冷飞将楼下院内等候处理的其他案件当事人全部召集到三楼第一警务区办公室。李立田、吕留生、孟军伟、张伞、许磊抬着李胜利走到三楼女厕所门口时,孟军伟、张伞、许磊松开了手,被告人李立田、吕留生二人将李胜利从三楼走廊栏杆处推了下去。

南京韩资LG旗下工厂八千人大罢工

    yulytex 于 发布在 凯迪社区
   
    2011年12月26日,韩资LG Display南京厂,5个工厂、七八十条生产线共八千员工全部停工,要求补发年终奖。韩国LG普通员工工资六个月双薪,中国员工却没有年终奖,使员工愤怒不已,八千人集体罢工抗议。早上10时,4厂集体在操场罢工。下午2时,1、2、3厂和中小型厂也集体在操场罢工。愤怒员工掀翻食堂的桌椅,大门口的圣诞树也被推倒。来了一些警察,全部被工人哄走。
    南京韩资LG旗下工厂八千人大罢工

    南京韩资LG旗下工厂八千人大罢工

    南京韩资LG旗下工厂八千人大罢工

    南京韩资LG旗下工厂八千人大罢工

    南京韩资LG旗下工厂八千人大罢工

    南京韩资LG旗下工厂八千人大罢工

《刑诉法》“秘密拘捕”条款基本仍被保留

   
    来源:德国之声中文网 作者:皮埃尔
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    12月26日在中国全国人大常委会审议的《刑事诉讼法修正案》第二稿中,第一稿"秘密拘捕"的相关规定虽有所微调,但大部分仍被保留。这一条款被认为可能为秘密拘捕打开"合法"之门,导致法治倒退,因而虽然备受律师界与学术界批评。
   
    今年上半年,中国政府在镇压所谓的"茉莉花集会"时,许多异议人士,或被抓捕,或"被失踪",有些没有任何手续,有些则是以传唤、监视居住等条款进行。
   
    其中最有名的个案是艾未未,他被抓捕后,没有给家属任何手续地,在一秘密场所长期拘押,官方此后称他是被依法"监视居住"。
   
    因此,此次《刑事诉讼法》修正案,许多法学专家认为,很大程度上是为了在类似的情形下,帮助中国警方的国保部门和安全部门,把类似的非法的"失踪"合法化。
   
    秘密失踪"合法化"
   
    2011年8月下旬第一次审议的《刑事诉讼法修正案(草案)》规定,"指定居所监视居住的,除无法通知或者涉嫌危害国家安全犯罪、恐怖活动犯罪,通知可能有碍侦查的情形以外,应当把监视居住的原因和执行的处所,在执行监视居住后二十四小时以内,通知被监视居住人的家属。"
   
    在《刑事诉讼法修正案》一稿中,除了"监视居住"有,"涉嫌危害国家安全犯罪、恐怖活动犯罪,通知可能有碍侦查的情形"可不通知家属的规定外,在"拘留"、甚至正式"逮捕",都规定有因"妨碍侦查"可不通知家属的法律"后门"。
   
    刘晓原律师认为,原本的刑事诉讼法中,未规定监视居住应通知家属,是因为监视居住一般在本人住所进行,按立法原意,家属应该知情,所以未作明确规定,但却成为有关部门将嫌疑人单独在拘留所外拘押,并不通知家属的法律借口。
   
    民间舆论担心,按上述规定,尤其在"涉嫌危害国家安全犯罪"的情形下,当局可用"无法通知",或者"通知可能有碍侦查"(限于涉嫌危害国家安全犯罪、恐怖活动犯罪等严重犯罪)为理由,对当事人实施监视居住、刑事拘留、逮捕等强制措施,却可"依法"不在24小时内通知家属。
   
    刘晓原律师认为,从司法实践中来看,在外指定居所执行监视居住,其严厉程度并不亚于,甚至要超过看守所羁押。此次修法后,办案机关却可将此做法明确化、合法化。
   
    他认为,对监视居住,却以"无法通知"或者"有碍侦查"而不通知家属,这等于是允许司法机关让犯罪嫌疑人、被告人处于"被失踪"状态。这样的规定,也违反了联合国有关人权的规定,即《保护所有人免遭强迫失踪国际公约》的规定。
   
    反对声浪
   
    有北京消息人士告诉记者,此次刑事诉讼法修正中,争议最大的条款就是所谓"秘密拘捕"条款。
   
    在南阳举行的刑事诉讼法论坛上,知名律师陈有西就表示,"秘密拘捕"条款,明显是国家安全、反贪等部门从办案需要出发而主张的部门观念立法,而"密捕"是现代法治国家严格禁止的,故无论何种性质案件,拘留逮捕后必须及时通知家属和监护人。
   
    在宣布刑事诉讼法第二此修订的新闻稿中,官方新华社引述学者吴丹红的观点称,一审草案规定可不通知家属的两种情形是,"无法通知"和"涉嫌危害国家安全犯罪、恐怖活动犯罪等严重犯罪,通知可能有碍侦查",比起以前的"无法通知"和"有碍侦查",增加了严格的限定,属于"一种进步"。
   
    民间出现反对声浪后,政法委出面协调《人民日报》,组织刑事诉讼法学者撰文支持"秘密拘捕"条款,但无人愿写,相关部门遂找到本是研究"证据法"而非刑事诉讼法专业的中国政法大学副教授、网络红人吴丹红,随后,吴丹红在《人民日报》撰文发表支持观点,并被列为专家意见,为此次秘密拘捕条款护航。
   
    据新华社的描述,征求意见过程中,有的部门提出,有碍侦查不通知家属的规定容易被滥用,成为侦查机关不通知家属的借口,因此应当慎重规定。而上海市律师协会建议增加规定,"有碍侦查的情形消失后,应当及时通知"。
   
    微调
   
    此次的修正案第二稿中,对民间的上述反对声音进行了回应,对"秘密拘捕"条款进行了让步和调整,称将"严格限定采取强制措施后通知家属的例外情况"。
   
    因此,今天审议的草案第二稿规定:在对嫌疑人采取"拘留"、"监视居住"这两种强制措施后,当有碍侦查的情形消失以后,应当立即通知被监视居住人、被拘留人的家属。
   
    嫌疑人被检察院正式批准逮捕后,除"无法通知"的以外,应当一律通知家属,取消了"涉嫌危害国家安全犯罪、恐怖活动犯罪等严重犯罪,通知可能有碍侦查的",可不及时通知家属的规定。
   
    事实上,何时属于"有碍侦查的情形消失",其解释权完全属于办案机关,因此,虽然做了技术性的调整,但此次修法后,通知家属的主动权掌握在办案机关手中。
   
    另有维权律师告诉记者,虽然在中国目前的司法实践中,尤其是在涉及政治敏感人士的政治案中,长期存在抓捕后,不在法定的时限内通知家属的情形,但相关办案机关对这一做法的违法性质心知肚明,而家属和律师也常援引《刑事诉讼法》规定维权。
   
    此次立法通过以后,办案机关很容易将"无法通知"、"有碍侦查"随意扩大解释,"秘密拘捕"将被"合法化"而大行其道。

Tear Gas Scatters Christmas Worship

2011-12-26
A Chinese police raid on a religious gathering follows the detention of unofficial "house" church members across the country.
AFP
A woman walks to a Christian church in Beijing, April 17, 2011.
Police in the southwestern Chinese province of Sichuan fired tear-gas canisters at worshipers at a mass outdoor unofficial Christmas service, and moved to detain other members of "house" churches who tried to organize Christian worship elsewhere in the country, according to participants and rights groups.

Sichuan-based church member Li Ming, who attended the Christmas service on a public square in Langzhong city, said police had raided the gathering and detained three people.

"[On Christmas] morning at about 8.00 a.m. our church was holding a Christmas activity on Binjiang Road in Langzhong city," Li said in an interview on Monday.

"There were around 20-30 police officers, and they used tear-gas canisters," he said. "My eyes were so swollen I couldn't see at all."

Li said police had confiscated the group's musical instruments and sound system. "They detained three of our people," he said. "They haven't released them yet."

The move follows the detention of a number of unofficial "house" church members ahead of planned Christmas gatherings across China.

Official pressure

Fellow members of China's unofficial Protestant "house churches" say they continue to be targeted by authorities with detentions, house arrest, and other forms of official pressure.

Hundreds of members of the Shouwang Protestant church have been repeatedly detained by police in Beijing for attending open-air prayer gatherings after the government blocked access to the church's own premises.

The U.S.-based Christian rights group ChinaAid said on Sunday that more than 30 members of Shouwang Church in Beijing were taken into police custody and held at different police stations for persisting in holding outdoor worship services for Christmas.

"The plaza that has been Shouwang’s designated outdoor worship site since April was jam-packed with police, as though they were getting ready for a big battle," the group quoted eyewitnesses as saying.

A Shouwang member surnamed Chen said two busloads of police pulled up at the Shouwang worship site on Sunday, and began detaining people immediately.

"[The clampdown was] very harsh yesterday," Chen said. "They announced that 39 people were taken to the police station. There is only one young woman who hasn't been released yet," she said on Monday.

Undecided

Shouwang pastor Jin Tianming, who is currently being held under house arrest at his Beijing home, said the church had yet to decide how to proceed.

"We rented a venue, but the authorities are putting the landlord under pressure, and he has said he wants to terminate our contract," Jin said.

"We haven't decided what our next step will be."

Meanwhile, around 50 unofficial house church members in Zhejiang's Dongyang county were raided while holding a meeting on Saturday to plan their Christmas gathering, with four people detained by police.

Pastor Luo Sennian, who was detained and beaten, resulting in facial injuries, said on Monday that two people had already been released.

"They threw out all the things that belong to our church," Luo said. "I went over there to talk to them, and immediately five or six of them set about beating me."

"My son was beaten up by eight or nine people after he tried to stop them [beating me]," he said. "I had a lot of blood on my face."

He said Christmas celebrations had still partially gone ahead. "Then, nearly an hour later, the police from the local police station detained us," Luo said.

Interrogation

The entire Luo family was taken to the local police station where they were detained and interrogated for 9-1/2 hours for "holding an illegal religious gathering," ChinaAid said.

"ChinaAid was stunned by the persecution suffered by Christian churches as well as brothers and sisters for wanting to celebrate Christmas," the group said in a statement on its website.

"Why is the Chinese government, the so-called “People’s government," so scared of Christmas?"

While leaders of China's unofficial churches, which overseas groups estimate as having some 40 million followers, say their activities have little to do with politics or human rights, raids on unofficial worship have been stepped up in a recent nationwide security clampdown.

Shouwang's 1,000-strong congregation has had problems finding a venue to hold services, a situation that leaders blame on government interference.

Protestant worshipers in Sichuan say they have come under heavy pressure from local officials to register with China's official Protestant body, the Three-Self Patriotic Movement.

Surveillance

"House" churches, which operate without official registration documents and without the involvement of the local religious affairs bureaus, come in for surveillance and repeated raids, especially in the more rural areas of the country, according to overseas rights groups.

Officially an atheist country, China nonetheless has an army of officials whose job is to watch over faith-based activities, which have spread rapidly in the wake of massive social change and economic uncertainty since economic reforms began 30 years ago.

Party officials are put in charge of Catholics, Buddhists, Taoists, Muslims, and Protestants. Judaism isn't recognized, and worship in nonrecognized temples, churches, or mosques is against the law.

Reported by Wen Yuqing for RFA's Cantonese service and Qiao Long for the Mandarin service. Translated and written in English by Luisetta Mudie.

消息称金正日长子金正男已到达北京 正接受保护

   
    来源:财经网
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    曾经与金正男有接触的消息人士称,金正男几天前到了北京,目前正接受保护,还不清楚他是否参加28号举行的金正日葬礼。
   
    财经综合报道 据凤凰卫视消息,韩联社的报导说,朝鲜已故领导人金正日的长子金正男已经离开澳门,目前在北京停留。
   
    韩联社报导说,曾经与金正男有接触的消息人士称,金正男几天前到了北京,目前正接受保护,还不清楚他是否参加28号举行的金正日葬礼。另有消息人士透露,金正男还没有回到朝鲜,如果他参加葬礼,可能搭乘27号从北京起飞的高丽航空公司班机。金正男在弟弟金正恩09年被认定为接班人后,就再也没有回过朝鲜。

年度国际新闻直指阿拉伯之春 艾未未入选世界报年度人物

   
    自由亚洲电台2011-12-27报导
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    2011年度中国国际新闻论坛年会无记名选出的年度新闻,“西亚、北非政局动荡,强权人物接连倒台”成为第一名,官府敏感的“阿拉伯之春”的内涵已呼之欲出。法国《世界报》评选艾未未为2011年度人物。
   
    2011年度中国国际新闻论坛年会,日前在江苏张家港市举行,有五十家中国大陆媒体前往,用不记名的方式为年度十大国际新闻投票,获得了第一名的是:西亚北非政局动荡,强权人物接连倒台。虽然未直接提到官方敏感的那个词,但“阿拉伯之春”的内涵已呼之欲出。而早前在美国《时代》周刊以及多个国际机构公布的十大新闻中,阿拉伯之春都位居榜首。
    
    今年1月,突尼斯的一名小贩自焚,引起了西亚北非地区的政治动荡,突尼斯、埃及、利比亚等独裁政权相继被民众推翻,这场运动是由今年春天开始,民众和网民称作为"阿拉伯之春",同时,这场运动也通过互联网的方式传播到了中国,今年2月通过网络的通知的方式,中国多地发生了茉莉花集会,但遭到当局的严加控制,这场风波中许多异议人士也遭到抓捕。
   
    北京资深媒体人高瑜星期二向本台表示:"中国当局一直都害怕出现茉莉花革命和街头革命,所以,从年初抓捕艾未未开始,艾未未也是和当局进行斗争进行到了年底。你看乌坎群众的斗争也是采取这样的方法。同时圣诞节期间对异议人士进行判决,而且这些异议人士都是六四时候留下的火种,都是六四的学生,这么多年他们成为异议人士,对他们进行了批捕,你看陈西被判10年,陈卫被判了9年,都判得这样重,在当局来说,是害怕他们的,他们会掀起这场革命。"
   
    也和中国茉莉花革命相关,今年四月在北京首都机场被当局强行带走的中国艺术家艾未未被法国《世界报》评选为2011年度人物。《世界报》编辑部在评论中表示:“作为一个艺术家,建筑家、离经叛道的网络活动家,艾未未尤其成功地给中国的异议人士赋予了一个清晰的面貌。这就是为什么《世界报》评选他为2011年度人物的主要原因。”
   
    北京学者张博树向本台表示:“艾未未这件事肯定和茉莉花有直接的关系,艾未未被抓也是在这个背景之下,不管艾未未在这件事情上是多么无辜,事实上艾未未因为这件事再次扩大了影响,我想这对艾未未来说不一定是坏事,但艾未未个人和他家庭确实为此付出了很大的代价。从另外一个角度来说,是执政者的一种愚蠢,本来是不应该发生这种事情,不管是艺术家还是学者,还是其他的知识分子,大家都是希望中国变得更好、更自由、更健康,在这点上,大家共识都是一致的,我想艾未未引起世界的关注,也受到很多网民的支持,证明他所做的事情是代表了大家的共同的愿望,这样的事情进行打压不是很愚蠢吗?”
   
    艾未未今年4月计划出境时在机场被当局人员抓捕,之后被秘密失踪八十多天,外界发起多轮寻找艾未未的活动,官方声称其偷漏税,但是北京税务局至今无法给出强有力的证据,证明其所任职的“发课公司”有偷漏税行为,网民发起“为艾捐款”的活动,获得三万网民支持筹集八百多万元,为艾的行政复议争取机会,艾未未表示将在近日就此提出行政复议。
   

Monday, December 26, 2011

山西国企老板白培中遭劫5千万大案的精彩看点

文章来源: 网易 于 2011-12-25 10:10:09 - 新闻取自各大新闻媒体,新闻内容并不代表本网立场!
打印本新闻 Yahoo!(被阅读 26150 次)
作者:黎明
“微博反腐”又一功。11月24日,有人微博爆料称白培中家中被劫。报案谎称被抢300万元,破案后证实被劫钱财总价值近5000万元,其中人民币600万元,港币100万元,美元27万,欧元300万,金条七、八公斤,另外还有名表、钻戒、项链等名贵奢侈品。太原警方、山西焦煤集团、白培中均对此消息保持沉默,“不辟谣、不接受采访”。继而有媒体跟进调查,证实抢案为真。尽管官方对抢劫数额尚无说法,而今白培中被免职调查与原职换人却说明了一点:认定抢案“非正常露财”,根据人所共知的常识和内情业已曝光的现实,承认白某存在贪腐问题。
“山西第一国企高管”遇劫又迅速破案,“破案神速”本当为太原警方浓墨重彩、自我歌颂的一大亮点。可是,宣传功绩虽然非常重要,但对任何单位来说,都有比自我表扬、对上邀功更大的需求、更重要的利益。警方于此“自废吹功”,和“低调”或“谦虚”无关,与更大利益相关——碍于警方与贪官的合作关系,出于保护亲密伙伴的考虑,应对方之请,全体警员对案情尤其是被劫金额负有保密责任,这个面子是一定要给贪官的。
国企高管即便家内被劫300万,也足以说明浮财惊人、来路不正,何况在家中一次可敛财上千万元之多。此等巨额钱财一旦外露,各方必认定白某属硕鼠、蠹虫无疑。此情之下,警方的保密等于保人、保官,而这种事实无疑是追查警方腐败的线索。明知劫案被害人应为反贪部门的调查对象,仍能为一巨贪调动系统资源、做到这种地步的司法机构,当然可以制造更多的昧心违法事件,而要求大家相信这样的队伍能担当维护社会公平正义的责任,则是不可能的事情。如今警方还能继续保守秘密、保持沉默吗?涉及太原公安局官员的“劫案金额保密案”,该是未了事宜,管警察和司法的上峰人士,应对公众有个交代。
白家巨富与警方保密,形成两个精彩看点,而白某居处两位小区保安从容实施打劫,又是一精彩动人处。两位保安经常看到有人给白老板送沉甸甸的礼,认定其家中肯定藏有许多值钱之物,更好看的是这两位小人物,制定打劫计划还经过了“政治评估”。他们认为,白某这种巨贪,就是被打劫了也不敢报案,遂趁白培中老婆一人在家时入室从容打劫,随后居然连车牌都不更换,公然开着白家的奥迪车扬长而去。
俩保安的“政治水平”毕竟还是低了点,他们想不到白某家敢于报案还能“两全其美”,既能追回财物、出口恶气,还能不透露家藏万贯的贪腐线索。情有可原,这是他们不熟悉体制内规则与潜规则的缘故,因而就必然低估“被害人”的能量和决心,同时高估了权力方面的反腐决心和反腐机制的效能。
网友戏言,当今反腐的“三大利器”,一为“老婆举报”,二是“二奶反水”,三是“小偷入室”。而今,当代之“反腐英模”,除二奶、小三、小偷,又添保安角色,“保安打劫”此项,似乎当列入“四大反腐利器”之内。下一步,此案还有一看点,即公检法究竟认定俩保安打劫财物几何,其间大有文章,一言难尽。
“保安打劫反贪腐”,犯罪的同时有一定正面意义,但这样的正面意义,尚不如“体制内有正义之士拍案而起”。此案信息,是“内部警员”爆出来的料,对记者的“揭秘”邮件,指出此案得以迅速破案的原因,在于“疑犯均认为白培中这些钱是贪污受贿来的,根本不敢报案……根本没有隐藏”;还讲了为啥要“吐槽”的原因:“事发后,太原市公安局主管刑侦的副局长戴来伟向办案民警下达封口令,要求绝对保密。办案民警看着追缴回来的巨额财产,看着白培中400平方米的豪宅中到处堆满名人字画、各种名贵饰品,称这样的贪官早该曝光了。”
看家护院,保密卫贪,连办案警员也实在看不下去了。总有一些人不甘日趋下流,“忍看朋辈都成鬼”的环境让他们难受。看到满目琳琅的贪官之家,警员也开始“心理失衡”,从而违背上峰命令,毅然采取了“仇腐行动”,而这举动一旦公之于社会,既成为监督权力作为、推助社会进步的良性因素。
面对这些良知未泯的体制内人士,公众应对他们的先进事迹以及今后的遭遇予以关注,不能让他们那几位目无法纪的上级官员,对他们进行打击报复。看重他们,保护他们,就是看重、保护每一位国民。

民主就是不攀亲

作者:李承鹏

  在一个大多数人素质低得来远光灯都不关,少数领导素质高得来车队压着双黄 线走直线,大多数人素质低得来一辈子都没见过选票,少数领导素质高得来已悄悄买到船票……的末法情结国家里,我也觉得革命是一件遥不可及的事情。我还觉 得,说某人没读过书就不能发表个人观点,跟说没学习过中央文件就不能谈国家大事,一样的愚不可及。

  我反对暴力革命。但这个菜刀都实名 的国家自1949以后便没有暴力革命,那些对生活忿忿不平的人偶尔上演非常6+1,还来不及起义,便就义。剩下的暴民,在维稳密奏折子里其实人数理论上有 十三亿。他们所要,不过工资高一些物价低一些,安全感多一些税收少一些,这正是国家在新闻联播里天天真诚表示的,传说中的公平正义。这样的强弱分明,你还 要说,民主和自由这些制度是相当的有害呀,你们素质低……大家很难不邪恶地想起不知是否伪托王朔所说的:一群太监在谈论,房事多伤身啊,幸好我们阉了的。 我举这样一个段子,可见素质实在低,但这并不影响我反对暴力革命,追求温和民主,在国家法律规定下参选。可见素质低不一定就不能搞民主。

   暴力革命其实都是高素质的人干的,比如朱闯、李闯和毛闯,低素质的人才去干民主和自由,比如曼德拉和哈维尔。民主从来不是什么高尚的东西,它只是公平一 点的财富分配机制,通俗来讲,民主普世论就是公司里谁干得好谁拿得多,民主素质论就是年终时却对你说,你长得可是太难看了,少拿点,跪安吧。

   我只是讲些故事。2001年我去埃及,金字塔附近可是脏乱差,骗子巨多,牵骆驼的小孩常利用你的异域情怀让你骑着骆驼,以胡夫金字塔为背景拍照,然后猛 抽骆驼撒丫子开跑,等跑到沙漠边缘,小孩就问你要MONEY、MONEY,沙子底下还忽然钻出来一群阿拉丁般的剽悍男子,把你的兜掏光才行。大街上汽车闯 红灯、交警收黑钱这些低素质,也很常见。可大家知道,十年后那里发生了什么。

  2003年我在美国的波特兰,那个信仰东正教的清静的城 市里却有很多醉汉,有天晚上我跟同事金焱就被一个喝醉的流浪汉追赶,面目凶狠地要钱,当时我觉得美国确实乱得要垮了。第二天我在大街上又看到一群流浪汉, 排着队在投票箱前面红耳赤地争论着什么,我也觉得很鄙夷,内心深深地表示支持伊拉克。可是大家知道,民主的美国没有被醉鬼和流浪汉搞垮,禁酒和收容制度严 格的伊拉克垮了。

  互联网这么发达,中国人办出国护照也不需要三代以上的政审,我们轻易可以知道素质低的利比亚、南非、缅甸甚至曾为我 们不屑的越南都民主了。也知道民主国家其实也挺多鸡贼。罗马到处都是小偷,巴黎遍地狗屎、美国的哈雷机师们也常常不关远光灯还放着烧包级的加强低音炮…… 所以素质论、国民性其实是很扯的话题,否则你解释不了同宗同族原本素质也低的香港人,为什么能在狭窄的铜锣湾大道能够秩序井然;台湾这个小岛,国民党一直 说“中国人劣根性都很丑陋,不能急,慢慢等吧”,忽然就民主正果了。龙应台当年确实写过《中国人你为什么不愤怒》来抱怨中国人的民主隐忧,台湾一度海鲜垃 圾成山。台湾的报界早年也报道过当地人不习惯关远光灯。可民主就是这么怪,你动起真格,大街的情形比想像得快得多。因为,制度是因,远光灯是果。

  在警车有事没事都喜欢拉一下警笛表示威严,军车总以打南海的架势冲过红灯,仅仅开个经济片区会议都要封掉三条街的交通状况下,总说中国人不适合搞民主是因为还不关远光灯,总拿灯光管制来说民主的事,就很不好玩了,因为,这个世界上灯光管制最严格的国家,叫朝鲜。

   那里人民穿戴整齐,那里人民上公车秩序井然,那里的人民随便在墙上写字,也会被叫去问话的,其他的我也不多说了。至于东亚地区容易出现暴君,我迅速在脑 中搜索了一下亚洲地图,不知道暴君指的是新加坡的李光耀,还是羞对国人就跳崖自杀的韩国卢武铉,是有点丑闻就集体辞职的日本内阁,还是顺应大势释放了昂山 素姬的吴登盛将军。要知道,现在连成吉思汗的蒙古,都从只识弯弓射大雕,到主动民主了。

  我觉得中国人的民主素质在提高。不要说中国还 有两亿五千万不开化的人群,你得看到乌坎那些人不过是些渔民、妇孺、打工仔……剩下的我无需答,林祖銮已帮我们答。有人问,难道你看不见基层选村长的贿 选,甚至杀人的。我看见了。这个国家其实并没有变得更好,但过去真在睡觉,现在至少是装睡,装睡就是民主基础,比叫不醒好。

  你只是说 革命,他说革命就是暴力;你改说民主,他就说咱们的尺寸跟那个叫民主的洋妞不合适,还是与国情互相自摸好些;你说那就改革,他稍微满意些,还是要交待一下 必须等上面通知,而上面,在中国其实是个虚拟词。我觉得说天鹅绒革命在中国没消费基础,是一个奇特的逻辑。因为,在一个人人追求苹果机且已把它追成了街 机,坐地铁都要抱本乔布斯传而不是铁人王进喜,看外国电影都要看原声而不是译制版才有腔调的国度,你说祖先在我们身体内早安插好了一个独特的阀门,只接受 产品,不接受思想,只知道故事,不接受民主的感染,这在制造原理上,有些说不过去。

  中国人要的是自己过得爽的自由,要的是猪哼哼的权 利。这有错吗,要知道全世界人民都自私,民主不是学雷锋,民主只是要一个都能自保的底线,你帮他们划分合理。勒庞这本《乌合之众》扒的是全人类劣根性的 皮,不单中国人,美国人的祖先也这个蛋性。五月花号船上那102名由清教徒、工人、农民、渔民、契约奴组成的乌合之众,能从五月花号公约到独立宣言,中国 目前的民众素质并不比那群流亡者低,为什么不能拥有民主,否则怎么解释那么多中国人在动车、汶川地震、免费午餐、救助尘肺病,以及涌向那个村、那道坎的身 影。中国人的自由观有一点跟世界相通,一直在追求免于恐惧的自由。就是不用再惧怕老婆刚怀了个孩子就冲进来一群人把她拖到人流室,肉身普及一道基本国策; 不再惧怕孩子上学坐上校车的时候,也是坐上了孝车,你自己坐上了动车,就是坐上了买一送一的灵车;也不再惧怕好容易摆个烧烤摊,城管上来就把你打成肉串; 更不会惧怕,你不过说了上面这些话,忽然不仅帖子不见了,而且整个的人都不见了……

  追求免于恐惧的自由,这是天赋权利,为什么要拒绝权利。

   真正促使我想谈一谈的话题是:一人一票真的中国最大的急迫吗。我觉得这个提问本身就是一个误会,我愿意这样看这个逻辑:一人一票当然不是最急迫,但它是 最重要。最急迫是上班打卡领工资生病了赶紧去医院,你得第一时间去做;最重要就是,你十年前就想到十年后你的权利。不要眼里只有最急迫,没有最重要,不要 被政府GDP成功教育,活得太急,煎得太急。

  有人问,当选人大代表对你那么重要吗。这是一个误会,我认为坚持参选,比是否当选,更重 要。还有一个误会,参选的样子一点不拉风,却很苦逼,我隔三差五就压低声音打电话到武侯区人大,很是怕打扰人家,咳,那个,开始没有,呵,打扰了……还常 委托我妈去问居委会,因为我去问会触动大妈们的神经,我妈每次也先行默念一下台词,再打……那样子很像地下党。

  如果普选,我不担心共 产党当选。一人一票本身就是最大的破冰意义,是集体诉求,根本不选,和选一下再上台,还是有很大区别的。如果大家还是选共产党,证明这个政党仍然是这个国 家最令人信服的党,如果……再说下去就敏感词了,具体例子参见1996年台湾国民党史。至于马化腾参选,其实无论是美国还是俄罗斯每一次都有富豪参选,也 没见过谁真的当选。现实操作中,你把他们当成猪,他就会变成猪,你养成民众珍惜选票的习惯,他们就不会为了Q币出卖尊严。

  所以就必然 引出下面这个观点:“当中国共产党到了今天,有了八千万党员和三亿的亲属关系,它已经不能简单的被认为是一个党派或者阶层了。共产党的缺点很多时候其实就 是人民的缺点。极其强大的一党制其实就等于是无党制,因为党组织庞大到了一定的程度,它就是人民本身,而人民就是体制本身,所以问题并不是要把共产党给怎 么怎么样,共产党只是一个名称,体制只是一个名称。改变了人民,就是改变了一切。”

  这一刻,我简直有加入党的冲动。我只有三句读后 感:一、从政治学,这是正确的,从数学它却犯了一个错误,十三亿八千万减去三亿八千万,还剩下整整十亿。二、就算那八千万,好多也常常忘了自己是党员。 三、从亲缘学,我觉得谁也不必急着代表我,去跟这个地球上任何一个党攀亲。

  民主是个很大的话题,我只取一意,本文切题:民主就是不攀亲。

官媒:高铁总设计师张曙光贪20多亿美元 被关在济南

    (人民网) 对周围的邻居来说,沃尔纳特市(Walnut)皮埃尔路688号的中国房主非常神秘。这套别墅占地近3万平方英尺(约合2793平方米),住房面积为4100平方英尺(约合381平方米),拥有五间卧室。一墙之隔住着的一位美国女士告诉记者,自己在此地居住多年,但“几乎不知道隔壁还住着人”。男主人仅见过一次,女主人大概三四次,她猜测都是中国人,40多岁,从不参加社区活动。
   
    688号的神秘房主,正是有“中国高铁总设计师”之称的张曙光和妻子王兴。
    2011年1月中旬,山西晋城女商人丁书苗被抓不久,张曙光便赶至美国,将这栋原本由他和王兴共有的别墅全部转入王兴个人名下。2月28日,张曙光被停职审查的消息公布。
    
官媒:高铁总设计师张曙光贪20多亿美元 被关在济南

    据铁道部内部人士透露,张目前被关押在济南,对他的调查没有结束。

初入铁路系统 沟通力强挤进客车处
    张曙光今年55岁,祖籍江苏溧阳。幼年时因父亲工作调动,随家人迁至新疆生活。1982年从兰州铁道学院(现兰州交通大学)车辆专业毕业后,张被分配至上海铁路局蚌埠分局蚌埠车辆段工作。
    据一位张曙光的同事透露,张“从基层干起,用了近十年时间升至蚌埠车辆段副段长”。1991年底,张被调至铁道部机车车辆局验收室任管理工程师。这次调动,两个职位虽然同为科级,但从基层到部里,这一步堪称鱼跃龙门。
    张曙光身高近一米八,相貌堂堂。他和妻子王兴都曾就读于兰州铁道学院。王兴1960年出生,比张曙光小四岁。“虽然王兴貌不惊人,但父亲当时是铁道部里的‘老人’,资历很深,和部里很多人都很熟悉。”前述张曙光同事称。
    据另一位铁道部内部人士透露,张曙光初到铁道部之时,没有地方安置,直到1992年初车辆局成立验收室。1994年初,张曙光私下透露希望调往客车处,当时客车处的领导同意“让张曙光过来先呆三个月试试”。其时,客车处连处长共五个人,副处长一职一直空缺。1994年,张曙光填补了这一空缺,从此展现出出众的沟通能力。1998年,张升任客车处处长。

客车处任职时 家产可观超正常收入
    上世纪90年代初期,客车处是车辆局的实权部门,以“接触面广和水深”而著名,就连刘志军在沈阳局当局长时也要“跑部”多要指标。
    在2001年铁道部部属机构改革之前,客车处位置很关键,是机车制造厂和地方铁路局的主管单位之一,对各机车制造厂和铁路局的设备物资招标拥有很大话语权。因此,对国内大量中小机车配件制造商来说,直接获得铁道部客车处的首肯,是进入铁路市场的捷径。
    张在客车处任职时的一位同事称,“张曙光擅长交际,很会来事”,很多对外的交际应酬都由张出面。客车处经常要参与铁路设备物资招标和展会,张很愿意去,有时还要5万元的出场费。张在客车处期间,铁道部内部还曾传闻,有人举报广州一家机车冷冻机厂想进入铁路市场,给张曙光送了30万元。
    对于张的批评当时只有口头上的反映,并没有收到有真凭实据的举报,部领导和党组决定将张曙光以“下去锻炼锻炼”的名义暂时调离,以“离招投标远点”。2001年,张曙光被调至沈阳铁路局任局长助理。对这个决定,时任副部长的刘志军还颇有意见。
    张曙光当年是否已有问题?至少从调查来看,张曙光当时就已家产可观,超出了他正常收入。而张曙光的妻子王兴已经赴美,成为了一家名为Micropher (马克夫)的集便器厂商在中国的独家代理。在她的帮助下,马克夫很快打入中国市场,2003年前一度是铁路集便器的主导品牌。
    早在1999年10月,王兴就以个人名义贷款购买了洛杉矶一套34.6万美元的独栋住宅,并于次年将房屋转为和张曙光以夫妇名义共有。2002年底,王兴以61.5万美元的价格将此房屋出售,随即又和张曙光联名,以约86万美元买下本文开头提到的688号豪宅

受刘志军赏识 一年多时间三易职位
    曾与张曙光共事的多位铁路人士证实,张曙光和原铁道部部长刘志军“关系非同一般,是刘的铁杆亲信”。张曙光后来步步高升,正得益于刘志军的大力提拔。
    刘志军以“工作拼命”著称。“这个人在工作方面没的说,是个拼命三郎,经常晚上12点还叫人去开会,开到早上3点。”前述消息人士回忆说,当时的客车处处长年近退休,扛不住频频半夜开会,“几番折腾之后,客车处处长就派张曙光去应付刘志军”。张曙光由此进入刘志军的视野。
    从多位接近张曙光的人士描述中可以看出,张曙光之所以能够成为刘志军的铁杆亲信,关键在于他能很好地贯彻执行刘的想法和命令。“刘志军爱熬夜,张曙光夜里就陪着刘志军;刘提出什么问题,张曙光都能提出些办法;刘志军爱好女色,张曙光就给安排。加上张曙光和刘志军一样,在人际交往方面会来事,两人很对脾气。”
    2003年3月,刘志军出任新一届铁道部部长后,张曙光的升迁之路就此打开。
    2003年4月,张曙光从沈阳铁路局调任北京铁路局,出任北京铁路局副局长。随后不到半年,即调回铁道部,出任铁道部装备部副部长兼高速办副主任,负责高铁技术引进。在刘志军的重用下,张曙光突破了惯例,一年多时间三易其职,一路高升,2004年即出任铁道部运输局局长兼副总工程师,号称“中国高铁技术第一人”。

高铁大跃进时 感叹陷入太深难回头
    从2004年开始,张曙光的主要工作都围绕着高铁展开。刘志军上台之后,搁置前任已经铺开的“网运分离”改革,并提出先发展再改革,铁路现阶段的主要任务是引进国外高铁技术,实现铁路“跨越式”发展,以解决铁路运力不足的难题。张曙光是刘志军这一战略的第一执行人。中国近年的高铁发展历程,深深地打上了张曙光的烙印,被誉为“中国高铁总设计师”。
    很多铁路系统人士,对张的工作精神和能力都赞赏有加,他被形容为“很有能力,思维敏捷,开会讲话很有感染力,听下面的人汇报工作也很快能抓住重点和问题”,而且工作非常卖力,“经常和下面通宵开会研究问题”。隶属北车集团的唐山公司一位销售经理说,领导下来检查工作验收时,他们最怕的不是刘志军,而是张曙光,因为张懂行,一眼就能看出问题,“他眼光一扫过来,我们马上低头”。
    在刘志军主导下,2004年至2006年间,铁道部先后进行了三次重要的高铁招标,即两次动车合资招标和京津城际招标。三次招标过程中,铁道部的操盘手正是时任运输局局长的张曙光。“当年谈判,张曙光背后有中国市场为他撑腰,显得非常专业,也很强势。在引进技术谈判开始之前,做了大量市场调研,对外资公司产品价格非常熟悉,只要是想进入中国的,首先价格在市场价的基础上砍掉三成,否则免谈。”南车一位工程师称。
    而在一位参与当年技术谈判的人士看来,直到今天,铁道部当时采取的谈判策略仍值得赞赏。而在铁道部出台的一本宣传手册中,一夜之间砍掉西门子90亿元竞标价格的故事,更成为张曙光在谈判中的得意之作。
    在铁路内部人士看来,以最快的速度发展高铁客运专线网,是刘志军的战略,刘从中央要来了政策和钱,执行者则是张曙光,二人的胆量和魄力确非常人能及。“在短短五年里实现了铁路运营里程翻一番,最高时速350公里,这在国内国外都没有先例。”
    这种赶时间、拼速度式的大跃进,给张曙光也带来了巨大压力。“私下里张也表示压力很大,整夜睡不着觉,感叹自己陷入太深,已难以回头。”一位熟悉他的人士称。

停职审查尚未结束 传贪腐达20多亿美元
    2011年1月中旬,丁书苗被抓不久,张曙光嗅到了危险,开始切割相关财产关系。2月28日,张曙光被停职审查。一位接近张曙光的人士透露,张被带走调查后不久,“头发就全白了,背也驼了,还患了严重的糖尿病,整个人今非昔比”。
    在他停职期间,有关他的贪腐传言沸沸扬扬,传闻中的涉案金额高达20多亿美元。不过,这都是未经证实的传言,从初步了解的情况来看,目前能够确认的是张曙光在美国的房产,及其妻王兴对于列车集便器市场的操纵。据铁道部内部人士透露,张目前被关押在济南,对他的调查没有结束。
    在采访过程中,在张的同情者和反对者眼中,张的形象两极分裂。反对者将他描述为不学无术却热衷于溜须拍马、沽名钓誉的投机分子。但在铁路机车建设领域,很多人对张的遭遇不无惋惜,他们一方面佩服其工作能力,肯定其在高铁建设中的贡献;另一方面,亦对他和其家人操纵招标颇有微词。
    或许,这两面都是真实的张曙光。

Democracy Activist Chen Wei Gets Nine Years for “Inciting Subversion”

2011-12-23
On December 23, the Suining Municipal Intermediate People’s Court of Sichuan Province convicted democracy activist Chen Wei (陈卫) of “inciting subversion of state power” and sentenced him to nine years in prison and two years’ post-release deprivation of political rights. The verdict, which was read in the court but not delivered in written form, calls Chen a “repeated offender” whose “crime was heinous, and influence vile” (罪行重大,影响恶劣). Chen’s sentence is the third heaviest given to a democracy activist in recent years convicted of the same charge, following the 11 years given to the Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiaobo (刘晓波) in December 2009, and the ten years to Liu Xianbin (刘贤斌) in March 2011.
Chen was detained in February 2011 and formally arrested in March. The indictment cited as evidence of his crime essays he published on overseas websites between March 2009 and January 2011.
The trial lasted less than two hours. Chen was brought into the courtroom handcuffed, where his wife, Wang Xiaoyang (王晓燕), and sister and brother were present. Defense lawyers Zeng Jianwei (郑建伟) and Liang Xiaojun (梁晓军) presented defense arguments but were interrupted multiple times by the judge. Similarly, the judge interrupted Chen when he presented his defense statement, and then ordered Chen removed from the courtroom, thus also preventing him from making his final statement. When Chen was taken away, he yelled, “Innocent! Constitutional democracy will prevail! Dictatorship will perish!”
After the trial, Chen’s wife, Wang Xiaoyan, angrily stated, “The whole trial was based on trumped up charges, in which right and wrong were mixed-up and the truth obliterated; this is the so-called freedom of expression with Chinese-characteristics.”
 Many of Chen’s friends and fellow human rights activists traveling from different parts of China to attend the trial were detained and kept under surveillance by police. They included: Ouyang Yi (欧阳懿), Duan Qixian (端启宪), Zhang Wei (张维), Chen Yunfei (陈云飞), Huang Xiaomin (黄晓敏), and Lu Gang (卢刚).
This is the third prison term for Chen Wei. He served his first prison sentence in the Qincheng Prison in Beijing for participating in the 1989 Democracy Movement and was released in December 1990. In 1992, he was sentenced to five years for organizing activist gropus that included the Chinese Liberal Democracy Party, Chinese Alliance for Progress, Free Union, China Democratic Union, and for planning a June Fourth commemoration event.
Under Chinese criminal law, “inciting subversion of state power” usually results in a maximum of five years’ imprisonment, with lengthier sentences given only to individuals deemed to be the ringleader of a crime or whose criminal conduct is especially “heinous.” According to domestic observers, authorities, fearing protest activities in different parts of China, are using Chen’s sentence as a deterrent.
Another the rights activist recently arrested for publishing essays online is Guizhou rights activist Chen Xi (陈西), a key organizer of the Guizhou Human Rights Symposium. Chen, detained on November 29 and formally arrested on December 11, 2011, is charged with endangering state security and is expected to receive a heavy sentence.

“中国电视台如何愚弄人民”

   
    来源:德国之声中文网 编译:林泉
   
    德国西德意志电视台(WDR)自由记者克莉丝汀•鲁尔夫 (Kirsten Rulf)在中国央视见习一个半月,深感中国官媒对外报道受经济利益和外交政策左右。
    
    在《法兰克福评论报》12月23日以"中国电视台如何愚弄人民"为题的专访中,德国西德意志电视台(WDR)自由记者克莉丝汀•鲁尔夫 (Kirsten Rulf)认为中国官媒对世界的看法与西方大相径庭。"……比如对巴基斯坦的报道,这个国家在西方常被看作恐怖主义的庇护所,其政权也可疑。在中国则完全不同,对巴基斯坦的报道非常友好,称之为'全天候朋友',也就是无论什么样的政局中都是伙伴,对巴基斯坦政府的行动描写得特别正面。原因在于中国的外交利益,比如通过巴基斯坦获得印度洋的入口。……更明显的是关于非洲的报道,中国到年底在那里开设一个拥有100多名记者的记者站,也是对外交政策和经济政策的配合。在我们(西方)这里,占主导地位的看法依然是:非洲是个贫穷大陆,需要我们的帮助。而中国则认为,非洲的原材料十分丰富,所以是一个受尊敬的经济伙伴,乐以与之打交道。这也反映在报道中。……中国的观点和中央电视台的节目很受经济和外交利益的左右。"
   
    "新闻审查做得很巧妙"
   
    她认为,在报道本国发生的事件时,审查的程度不同。对于中国人为之骄傲的成就,就会"广泛报道、很少审查","想传播一个向世界开放、人人畅所欲言的现代化中国形象"。"每当涉及负面事件时,就总是很艰难。比如两列高速列车相撞事件,很多人受伤,一些人死亡,审查就很严格,而且采用的报道方式是将别的事故作为参照,比如德国艾雪德(Eschede)上百人遇难的高速列车脱轨事故,然后就说,看吧,类似的事故在德国死的人更多,这样试图将无法用审查完全抹掉的事件加以淡化。"
   
    德国记者鲁尔夫(Kirsten Rulf)曾在CCTV见习
    “中国电视台如何愚弄人民”

    鲁尔夫证实官媒有三大禁区:"绝对不能在图像中展现达赖喇嘛,1989年的天安门大屠杀是绝对禁区,一些年轻记者还从未听说过这个事件,……。当美国副总统访问北京,美国表示向台湾出售战斗机时,媒体就激烈批评台湾,称其投向西方怀抱。但是,总体而言,审查做得相当巧妙,不是笨拙的宣传,更是难以捉摸的微妙,弄得有时很有说服力。"
   
    关键在于能否掌控互联网
   
    她说,"任何表述、每一句话都被监督。特别值得注意的是,审查官自己以为(别人)看不出来,但是很容易分辨。为杂志工作的大多数是相当年轻的记者,大约在30岁左右,然而审查人员在60岁左右,有些人超过70岁,而且题目也是他们自己定的。尤其让我惊讶的是,在早上的编辑部会议上根本就没有讨论。这不是商量,其实更是汇报。主编宣布该做什么、怎样编排主题,显然,官方的路线事先就规定好了。有时某些题目几天后突然消失了,尽管完全还有新闻价值,显然是审查官员说了话,最好不要再报道。"
   
    她认为:"大多数记者清楚地知道如何绕过互联网封锁,阅读西方的媒体报道。他们部分地对现政权持有相当的批评态度。我觉得,审查制度的未来主要取决于:这个政权如何控制互联网?能够像对待媒体比如央视那样强有力地审查互联网吗?对此我很怀疑,所以,我不认为审查制度在几年后还会像今天这样严格"。
   
    (以上内容摘译自其它媒体,不代表德国之声观点)
   
    本文来源:德国之声中文网

贵州人权捍卫者陈西被判处有期徒刑10年,剥权3年

     来源:维权网
     (博讯 boxun.com)
    (维权网信息员倍天明报道)12月26日上午,贵州省贵阳市中级法院以煽动颠覆国家政权罪判处人权捍卫者陈西有期徒刑10年,剥夺政治权利3年。
   
    今天上午8点半钟后法院开庭,审理了两个多小时,法官最后作出当庭宣判,以陈西2005年出狱后先后在网络上发表的36篇文章中的几句言词,作出煽动颠覆国家政权罪成立,判处陈西十年重罪。这是今年继四川遂宁刘贤斌、陈卫后,又一起因言而判重罪的案子。
   
   
    陈西,本名陈友才,男,汉族,祖籍广西玉林人,1954年2月29日生于贵州省贵阳市。1970年6月毕业于贵阳师范学校初中部,后自学外语,获大专文凭。1983年进入贵阳金筑大学政保处工作,后参与组织贵阳各大学沙龙联谊会,并被选为第一任会长。1989年春夏民主运动期间,他因积极参与并成立“爱国民主联合会”而被判刑3年,剥夺政治权利3年。出狱后,1995年5月因组织“中国民主党贵州分部”,致力推进中国民主建设,要求平反“6.4”,于1996年3月被贵阳市中级人民法院以“组织、领导反革命集团罪”判刑10年,剥夺政治权利5年。2005年刑满出狱后筹备组织了贵州人权研讨会。6年来不断开展人权知识宣传普及,关注支持贵州各地弱势群体维权,为落实《宪法》赋予公民的基本权利而鼓与呼。2011年正值中国五年一届的县乡两级人大代表换届选举,陈西公开宣布独立参选当地人大代表,结果于10月被软禁、抄家,11月29日被以“涉嫌煽动颠覆国家政权罪”逮捕。

央视大火案主犯徐威因贪污受贿被追加刑期至20年

   
    来源:正义网
   
    央视大火
    央视大火案主犯徐威因贪污受贿被追加刑期至20年

    央视大火案主犯徐威。(资料图)
    央视大火案主犯徐威因贪污受贿被追加刑期至20年

    正义网北京12月26日电(记者 高鑫)央视大火案主犯徐威因犯危险物品肇事罪被判刑后,服刑期间又被查出其还具有贪污和受贿行为,经北京市检察院第二分院公诉,北京市第二中级法院日前以数罪并罚,将徐威的刑期追加至有期徒刑二十年。
   
    现年52岁的徐威,具有大学文化,原是中央电视台新台址建设工程办公室(简称央视新址办)主任兼北京央视国金工程管理有限责任公司(简称央视国金公司)法人、董事长、总经理。
   
    2009年2月9日晚21时许,在建的央视新台址园区文化中心发生特大火灾事故,大火持续了六小时,火灾因烟花引起,造成直接经济损失高达1.6亿余元。
   
    2010年3月23日,经北京市检察院第二分院提起公诉,包括央视新址办原主任徐威在内的21位被告人集体在北京市第二中级法院受审,罪名均为涉嫌危险物品肇事罪。
   
    庭审持续了3天,检方认定徐威为火灾事故主要责任人。徐威在最后的陈述中明确表示认罪,认为其给国家造成重大损失,还给央视带来了不良影响,非常悔恨,并再次劝说同案人员认罪伏法。
   
    2010年5月10日下午,北京市第二中级人民法院一审以危险物品肇事罪,判处徐威有期徒刑七年。其余20名被告人中,19人分别获三年至六年零六个月不等的有期徒刑、3人获缓刑,另有1人免予刑事处罚。
   
    其中,清华同方股份有限公司政务系统科技公司原副总经理李小华被判有期徒刑六年;北京大新恒太传媒科技发展有限公司总经理沙鹏被判有期徒刑五年零六个月;央视新址办常务副主任兼央视国金公司常务副总经理王世荣被判有期徒刑四年零六个月。王世荣在火灾当晚启动燃放活动。
   
    一审宣判后,徐威表示服判不上诉,而李小华、沙鹏、王世荣等13名被告人提出上诉。2010年7月6日,北京市高级人民法院经审理对此案作出了维持原判的裁定。随后,又有8名相关责任人及相关企业,因涉嫌生产销售伪劣产品罪、玩忽职守罪及妨害作证罪,被司法机关追究刑事责任。
   
    徐威服刑期间,又被“揪出”新的犯罪事实。2011年11月21日,北京市检察院第二分院以徐威犯贪污罪、受贿罪,再次将其诉至法院。此案经辩护人申请,法院征得检方及被告人同意,最终决定采取简化程序审理。
   
    法院查明,2005年7月至2007年7月间,徐威利用其职务便利,使用央视国金公司资金注册成立北京大新恒太传媒科技发展有限公司、北京天然恒大广告有限公司(后变更名称为北京中天新艺广告有限公司),并侵吞上述3公司公款322万余元,用于购买商品房、亲友旅游和出国机票等费用。 
   
    2008年8月间,徐威还向央视新址工程项目分包施工单位深圳市洪涛装饰工程有限公司法定代表人刘某索要100万元。
   
    审理期间,徐威对检方指控其犯贪污罪、受贿罪的事实不持异议。他的辩护律师辩称,徐威能够如实供述犯罪事实,认罪态度较好,且涉案赃款全部追缴在案,希望法庭对徐威从轻处罚。
   
    法院认为,徐威身为国有事业单位委派到非国有公司从事公务的国家工作人员,利用职务上的便利,将本单位钱款非法占为己有,其行为已构成贪污罪;徐威身为国家工作人员,利用职务上的便利,索取他人钱款,其行为已构成受贿罪,对徐威所犯贪污罪、受贿罪应予并罚。
   
    法院还认定,徐威系索贿,依法应当从重处罚。鉴于其能够如实供述自己的罪行,认罪态度较好,对其可以酌情从轻处罚。徐威在刑罚执行完毕前,又发现他在前罪判决宣告前,还有其他罪没有判决,故对新发现的罪作出判决,把前后两个判决所处刑罚依法并罚。
   
    据此,法院将徐威的刑期追加至有期徒刑二十年。他因犯贪污罪,被判处有期徒刑十三年;因犯受贿罪,被判处有期徒刑十一年,决定执行有期徒刑二十年,与之前危险物品肇事罪判决所判处的有期徒刑七年并罚,决定执行有期徒刑二十年。
   
    本文来源:正义网